Dáil debates

Thursday, 17 April 2008

Twenty-eighth Amendment of the Constitution Bill 2008: Second Stage (Resumed)

 

3:00 pm

Photo of Timmy DooleyTimmy Dooley (Clare, Fianna Fail)

I thank the Minister for sharing time. The challenges facing Ireland's jobs, environment and competitiveness are global. Against climate change, rising energy costs, transnational crime and global economic downturns our capacity, acting alone, to defend our interest is minimal. Ireland's sovereignty, power and strength is, after all, that capacity to act for our people in defending Ireland's prosperity, safeguarding its environment and protecting the jobs and livelihoods which Irish families have worked so hard to build. However, the capacity to act, although minimal when acting alone, is enhanced and increased extraordinarily through the unique partnership that is the European Union, as seen in the free market, practical co-operation and the greater clout on the world stage which membership has given us. The reform treaty increases Ireland's capacity to act even further. It cuts bureaucracy, tackles inefficiency and speeds up decision making, delivering a Union more responsive to our citizens and more accountable to the Oireachtas. The EU empowers us and the treaty empowers us further. We have done well out of the EU and this treaty will allow us to do better.

I will briefly speak about the role of the Union on the international stage. The treaty aims to make the Union more coherent and effective as a campaigning voice in international fora. The challenges facing the world today do not recognise national borders. Climate change, natural disasters, internecine wars and trafficking in persons or, indeed, terrorism spill across national boundaries. Acting alone, we can achieve little, but by pooling sovereignty we can make, and have made, a difference. Climate change is one of the greatest environmental, social and economic threats facing our planet. The warming of the climate system is happening, as is now evident from observations of increases in global air and ocean temperatures, widespread melting of snow and ice and rising global mean sea level. Projected global warming this century is likely to trigger serious consequences for humanity and other life forms, including a rise in sea levels which will endanger coastal areas and small islands. As an island nation we should be very concerned about it. We are already witnessing greater frequency and severity of extreme weather events.

What has any of this to do with the European Union and the reform treaty? It has everything to do with it. The EU is to the forefront of international efforts to combat climate change. Kyoto would not have happened without the EU. The UN framework convention on climate change reached in Bali in December was achieved because the EU herded the United States, China and India into a binding agreement. These countries signed up to emissions targets for the first time. That is real progress, and it was achieved through the efforts of the European Union.

Today, the EU is the largest donor of humanitarian aid in the world. Some 56% of all development assistance delivered by major industrialised countries is provided by the EU. The primary objective of EU development co-operation is the eradication of poverty in the context of sustainable development, including the pursuit of the UN millennium development goals. These are not simply lofty aspirations couched in fancy rhetoric. They are real commitments, which range from the eradication of extreme poverty to halting the spread of HIV/AIDS. I am pleased the EU chooses to focus the majority of its resources on Africa, which is suffering the worst ravages of war, natural disasters and the affliction of HIV/AIDS. Our assistance is unconditional; it does not matter if the disaster is natural or man-made.

Much will be heard in the coming weeks and months about the Union's common foreign and security policy. Those promoting a "No" vote will suggest it is a cloak for increased militarisation and a surrender of our policy of military neutrality. This is quite simply false. What it actually does is provide the Union with the capacity to respond to crisis situations such as those that engulfed the Balkans in the 1990s. The European Union stands indicted for its inaction in the Balkans. It is regrettable for me and many other citizens of Europe that it was left to another superpower to deal with a problem on our border and within our Continent. We witnessed the deaths of thousands of people through acts of genocide. We must work to ensure that such an event never befalls Europe again. In the five years since the first European security and defence policy mission was launched in 2003, the Union has conducted over 20 such missions, the great majority being civilian rule of law missions, such as the ongoing police mission in Bosnia.

For Ireland, the key point is that participation by Irish soldiers in any peacekeeping mission, whether led by the UN, the EU or others, has always been and always will be a sovereign decision of this State, and the legal requirements of the triple lock of Government decision, Dáil approval and UN authorisation must be respected. Nothing in the reform treaty changes this in any way, and there is no change in the rule that any one member state can veto a proposed mission by the EU if it disagrees with it. I was shocked last week to hear an Opposition Deputy, in the course of the debate and advocating a "No" vote, describe the Irish Defence Forces' participation in the UN-mandated, EU-led peacekeeping mission to Chad and the Central African Republic as a "military adventure". It is incredibly disrespectful and shows absolute contempt for our Defence Forces to describe our peacekeeping troops in such a manner. I realise that regard for the Irish Defence Forces by some on the "No" side is to some extent coloured by past history. It is pitiful to think that a mission with a central purpose of peacekeeping being carried out in a highly dangerous battle zone is thought of as a military escapade. Thankfully, the Irish people value the proud tradition of peacekeeping a little more than some on the "No" side.

In turbulent economic times, security is to be found in a solid trading bloc that speaks with a single voice. No longer do we find ourselves second-guessing currency speculators in an attempt to insulate our economy. We were told by the naysayers that economic and monetary union would result in a flight of Irish capital and the loss of thousands of jobs. A noted campaigner on the "No" side, Professor Anthony Coughlan warned, "the euro is a key instrument for eroding national defences against the dangerous effects of economic globalisation, which transmit downturns in some major economies rapidly to others". On the contrary, the EMU has helped us create thousands of jobs and we have become the envy of the industrialised world. In this and every claim made by Professor Coughlan and his kind over the past 30 years, they were wrong in their interpretation and understanding of the positive impact and benefits of membership of the EU for Ireland and other member states.

My final point cannot be repeated often enough. Due to European integration there has been the longest continuous period of peace on the European continent. There has not been a 60-year stretch of peace in Europe since the congress of Vienna. I can say with some confidence that hopefully my children will never witness a war in which European states are locked in combat with one another. That is great and is a recognition that the EU's approach in its recognition of the importance of using military for the purpose of defence and protection is good and is not, as others suggest, militarisation for its own sake.

When leadership on the world stage has been required, Europe has stepped forward. I am proud that Ireland is a member of a community with a strong voice that is listened to by the international community. Ireland's ability to influence the global challenges facing the world is determined by our relative strength within the Union. Little can be gained from alienating our colleagues. To put it more bluntly, Ireland can achieve little on its own in the context of the global challenges facing our planet. As a committed member of the EU, we can achieve a lot.

The treaty represents a very good outcome for Ireland. On issues of major sensitivity, such as unanimity in the taxation and defence areas and the general principle of equality among member states, we have secured a good result. The Minister has outlined that, particularly related to the retention of the veto on taxation policy despite the desires of others to drive towards a common, consolidated tax base. Nothing in the Lisbon treaty will allow that to happen, but the treaty will reaffirm Ireland's position to retain the veto.

No Irish interest would be served by creating a political crisis in Europe by turning our backs on a treaty that was to a considerable extent "made in Ireland" and that responds to our needs and aspirations. As we face current and future challenges on our domestic front, such as the need to safeguard the livelihoods and quality of life of our citizens, Ireland's membership of the EU is as vital as ever. Imagine for a second if we had to face the current uncertainty in the global economy on our own, outside of the European monetary system. A key section of the treaty is devoted to setting out the values and democratic principles on which the Union is based. It specifies that the Union is founded on "representative democracy" and makes it clear that "every citizen shall have the right to participate in the democratic life of the Union."

The treaty contains concrete measures that will enhance democracy within the Union. It strengthens the role of national parliaments by giving them a direct input into European legislation. The provision whereby a sufficient number of national parliaments can object to a particular proposal is a genuine step forward. It will enable national parliaments to ensure that the Union does not exceed its authority. I recognise the efforts this Parliament is making through the establishment of the Joint Committee on European Scrutiny chaired by Deputy John Perry. Its role as a stand-alone committee is critically important to retaining an oversight of the proposals coming from the European Commission and one which is most welcome.

The treaty gives national parliaments a right to veto any proposal to move issues from unanimity in the European Council or Council of Ministers to qualified majority voting, QMV. It is important that point is made because some on the "No" side suggest this treaty has the capacity to move certain elements from majority to QMV in the future and that is unacceptable.

I hope, as others have said, that the Irish people will examine this treaty as a whole, the comments, the people supporting it, the various social partners and interests which have come out behind it, and that they will come out and vote "Yes" to the continuous development and evolution of the EU.

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