Lucinda Creighton (Dublin South East, Fine Gael)

I am pleased to have the opportunity of speaking on this important motion and I thank Deputy Timmins for giving me this opportunity to speak. Deputy Timmins brings to this House a thorough and deep understanding of military and humanitarian issues from his time serving in the Defence Forces and, in particular, a deep understanding of the death and destruction wrought by modern warfare from his time spent in the Lebanon. I thank my colleague for introducing this Bill and for playing a proactive and campaigning role in seeking to tackle the policy issues that go to the heart of who we are as a nation. I propose to speak about why cluster bombs need to be removed from the arsenal of modern warfare and to focus in particular on what we, as a forward-looking nation, can do to make sure that any ban put in place is more than just empty rhetoric.

Cluster munitions stand out, even by the horrific standards of modern warfare, because in terms of both space and time they are utterly indiscriminate. In recent years the carnage caused by landmines has been brought to the attention of the public, but cluster munitions are even more indiscriminate. Landmines have had much publicity over the past number of years, but there has not been an equal emphasis on cluster munitions. With landmines, a record of minefields can theoretically be kept to facilitate post-conflict clearance. Cluster munitions, however, are scattered all over an area, usually from aeroplanes. They cover an area larger than a football field, killing and maiming indiscriminately. Like landmines, they fail to discriminate between soldier and civilian and between adult and child. With their tendency to fail to explode on impact, these bombs end up lying in wait for innocent victims for many years.

Cluster bombs are also indiscriminate in terms of time. Many of the civilian victims of cluster munitions are killed or maimed long after conflict has ended. In Laos, four innocent boys were recently killed by a cluster bomb which had been lying in wait for more than 30 years. In this and the other examples given by my colleagues, we see that time can be meaningless with these munitions. The end of conflict and the cessation of hostilities should allow nations and people to get on with their lives and try to rebuild their homelands, but if we allow the use of cluster bombs to continue we will be allowing the continuation of killing long after official cessation of hostilities.

The real question is not whether cluster munitions are reprehensible. On both sides of the House we can agree they are unacceptable. The real question is what we are going to do about it. We as a State neither make nor use cluster bombs. That is why this Private Members' Bill is unique. We are not satisfied just to make noise on this issue. We want to tackle it comprehensively on a number of levels. In so far as we are eventually going to accede to the currently drafted convention on cluster munitions, we can commit in international law to prevent the fabrication, use or sale of these munitions in Ireland. This would merely be a symbolic and somewhat empty gesture and would have no effect in reality since Ireland does not make, use or sell these munitions. However, Ireland's participation in the Wellington declaration is still worthwhile, since it sets an example and emphasises the standards that we expect from civilised members of the international community. It also contributes momentum to the campaign for a global ban on these munitions.

I welcome action at the level of international law. However, what sets this Fine Gael Bill apart is that it proposes concrete action from the Irish State, action that will produce results on a practical level immediately. This Bill would prevent Irish banks and pension funds from investing in or financing companies involved in the trade of cluster munitions. There are few Irish people who would, if asked, say that they had invested in or financed the trade of these deadly weapons and even fewer who, if asked, would say that they wished to do so. Yet Deputy Timmins has calculated the total Irish investment in cluster munitions through public and private pension funds to be more than €100 million. A large number of Irish people are funding this deadly trade inadvertently. Their money is being used to finance death and destruction. This Bill allows us to make a practical and effective difference. It allows us to ensure that our money is not funding this deadly trade. It allows the Irish people to be confident that their pensions and investments reflect their social and moral viewpoints.

In the age of globalised trade and international politics, it can be hard for a nation of 4 million people to make a difference. It can seem as though we are powerless in the face of global conglomerates and international finance, powerless to have our voices heard and stand up for our moral convictions, powerless to shape the course of international affairs to our social and moral beliefs. This Bill is timely in that it goes some way in assisting and allowing us as a nation to have an opportunity to stand up for things we believe in, for the values and goals of our society that can be projected onto the global stage. That is something that should not be dismissed by the Government.

It is important that this issue, which has not received sufficient attention in Ireland or internationally, is now brought to the fore. We have an opportunity to set a standard that raises the bar internationally. Ireland has the opportunity to show leadership in setting higher standards for ourselves. I urge the Government to consider the viewpoint being put forward by Fine Gael. There is no need for Irish people to be duped into funding an arms trade they do not fundamentally support. This Bill offers a morally and socially improved approach to dealing with such issues. I have mentioned the scourge of landmines. My belief is that the deadly impact of cluster munitions exceeds that of landmines as it is not quantifiable or controllable. In contrast to the usual rhetorical idealistic statements that are put forward, which have very little substance, this Bill offers a real and meaningful opportunity to do something concrete on behalf of Irish citizens. I ask that the Government consider the viewpoint of the Fine Gael Party and its foreign affairs spokesperson, Deputy Timmins, who has a clear and deep understanding of these issues, far greater than the majority of Members of the House. I thank the Leas-Cheann Comhairle for the opportunity to speak on this motion and I commend the motion to the House.

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