Olivia Mitchell (Dublin South, Fine Gael)

I welcome the opportunity, at last, to speak on this Bill which will, I hope, allow us to ratify the Lisbon treaty following a referendum. I regret the delay and hesitancy about setting a date for the referendum and welcome the fact that it will, it seems, be held on 12 June. Uncertainty about the date and a lack of information allowed the "no" campaign to get a head-start. A number of people to whom I spoke recently expressed annoyance that the campaign was not under way, information was not available and a date for the referendum had not yet been announced. We must be careful there is not the same laissez-faire approach to this campaign. Instead it must be very vigorous.

The Lisbon reform treaty is not as far-reaching as other European treaties in the past. It does not create the changes one would equate with the Maastricht treaty which established the EMU and subsequently the euro. Neither is it like the Single European Act which provided for a single market or the Nice treaty which admitted ten member states. However, like the continuum of other treaties, it deals with the evolving nature of the Union and its response to changing circumstances. Hopefully, it will equip the Union to cope with new objectives and circumstances.

The treaty is not the be-all and end-all. Just as any other legislation or changes in government or the Constitution do not give us utopia, the Lisbon reform treaty will not bring us perfection nor will it be the last treaty we enter into with the rest of the European nations. Instead, it is all part of an evolving process. It will, however, make the work of the Union more efficient and relevant. It is hard to understand how this can be seen as a bad development by anyone. Even the most vigorous opponents of the EU, of which there are many, must want it to be efficient. Surely, they must see the benefits of increased democratisation and citizenship as a good development.

Having attended some meetings about the EU and the treaty, I was amazed at what people believe the treaty is about. It does not bring abortion to Ireland. It does not affect our neutrality. It does not increase privatisation. Neither will it introduce tax harmonisation. The recent comments by the French finance Minister on a common system to compute corporation tax in the EU were not a welcome intervention in this regard. However, no number of calls by anyone will bring about tax harmonisation or a single corporation tax.

It is not just Ireland that does not want this. Other member states recognise tax harmonisation could be seen as a step towards a federal Union which is not what the EU is about. The EU is a voluntary Union of independent states to which all member states aspire. The unanimity principle still applies to the tax harmonisation proposals. Every single member state can exercise its veto to prevent other member states coming together to change the EU tax regime.

The reform treaty will enhance the role of national parliaments by requiring all draft EU laws to be discussed first in member states' parliaments, a little known measure not being promulgated enough. This will allow us to give our opinions on the nature of EU proposals and state if they should go through the formal legislative process. The relevant Ministers and MEPs will know the parliaments' views and the citizens' views on legislative proposals which will inform their decisions. It will also mean better legislation. Those making the overall decisions will know of the different national circumstances and concerns about proposals.

One criticism of the EU, and a reason given by opponents of the treaty, is that decisions are imposed on us and we never hear what is coming down the line until it is a fait accompli. Decisions, of course, are not imposed on us but are agreed by our elected Ministers whose job it is to make them. We, as well as other parliaments, are guilty of sometimes not paying attention to what EU legislative proposals are coming down the line. The treaty will provide us with the opportunity to discuss that at parliamentary level. This change alone is a reason to support the treaty. It will change the direction of Europe's approach, development and dissemination of legislative proposals. It will involve us as national politicians and through us all citizens in a way that has not happened before. We will all have an influence on the type of legislation that goes ahead and its outcome.

Another measure that will enhance citizenship is the co-decision-making between the European Parliament and the Council of Ministers. In tandem with this increased democratisation, increased competences are given to the EU by each of the 27 member states. These competences will allow the EU to act effectively in vital areas in which our interests can be better served by acting together as a Union rather than as individual states.

Decisions in this area will be speeded up by the implementation of QMV, qualified majority voting. This will ensure efficiency and will prevent an individual member state putting a stop to a particular measure to gain leverage in another area. The quid pro quo for this will be a change to the numbers for QMV. It will require not just a majority of states but of population, which is just about as reflective of the views of the people of Europe as one could possibly get. The new policy areas of competence which will be subject to QMV include the environment, energy, security, justice, urgent humanitarian need and peacemaking and peacekeeping.

Anyone with a grip on reality cannot deny the enormous benefits to Ireland of open borders in Europe. They have brought personal mobility and access to an enormous market for goods. The enhanced trading terms Ireland enjoys with the rest of the world are as a result of increased bargaining power from our membership of a larger Union. This will become more important as the axis of world trade shifts to Asia.

It is not just people and goods that cross borders. Drugs, criminals, terrorists, illegal arms and pollution do too. Whatever chance we have of tackling these issues as a Union, we have none as an individual state. To vote "no" to the reform treaty would copperfasten the inefficiencies and deficiencies already in place. That does not make sense to any right-thinking person.

I will vote "yes". The Fine Gael Party believes the treaty will be good for Ireland and for Europe. Ireland must remain an integral part of Europe. I do not believe in threatening people that it would be bad not to be at the heart of Europe and that the rest of the EU would react badly to a "no" vote. The arguments can stand on their own. The Lisbon reform treaty is good for all of us.

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