Dáil debates

Tuesday, 8 April 2008

Twenty-eighth Amendment of the Constitution Bill 2008: Second Stage (Resumed)

 

6:00 pm

Photo of Dan NevilleDan Neville (Limerick West, Fine Gael)

I welcome the opportunity to contribute to the debate on the Lisbon treaty, the origins of which lie in the Convention on the Future of Europe. Recommendations were made in respect of introducing the treaty following wide consultation by the convention. The treaty consolidates existing treaties and streamlines decision making, makes Europe more efficient and ensures the development of the Union will continue in as efficient a manner as possible.

We support the treaty but cannot be complacent with regard to its being passed by the people, particularly in the light of the fact that it is complex and detailed. Great effort must be invested in explaining the various sections of the treaty and the issues that arise to as many as possible. We must use the media as widely as possible in order to ensure the contents of the treaty and its objectives and benefits will be fully understood.

Ireland continues to support the European Union. A recent study shows that 74% of Irish people continue to support the Union and that 87% accept that we have benefited from our membership of it. However, 60% are of the opinion that Ireland's voice is not heard in Europe. There is a deficit in communicating the issues and developments involved and also in highlighting the role and opportunity Ireland will have in shaping the development of the treaty and the decisions taken in all areas. We face a challenge, therefore, in ensuring the people are made aware of what is involved.

Ten or perhaps 20 years ago there were those who began to comment that there was a need to communicate with the people on what happened in the European Union and the benefits of membership thereof. Both the national parliament and the political system in general have failed to communicate this message to the public. However, some of the blame for this failure must be placed on the Union and its systems. In the next two months we will have an opportunity to debate the various issues involved. We have a duty to inform the people with regard to that in respect of which they are being asked to vote. We must ensure the treaty is passed in order to bring about a more effective and efficient Union and to allow it to develop in order that it might benefit all its citizens. We have had various communications with regard to criticisms of the treaty and the campaign to defeat it. Although we fully accept the right of people to campaign and express their views on the matter, some have introduced red herrings into the debate, which often cause confusion. I also experienced this in debates on the Maastricht treaty referendum. I want to deal with some of these red herrings on which we have received information. Oireachtas Members have received documentation from several groups and individuals on the reasons we should vote "No".

As the Taoiseach said, the treaty does not bring tax policy within the powers of the European Union. The treaty clarifies the areas in which the Union can legislate and tax is not one of them. The suggestion that Ireland will not retain control of its own tax policy and tax rates under the treaty is a red herring. Under the new treaty, we will retain our veto on an EU-wide tax. There is no reference in the treaty to a common tax policy. Those who campaign based on the prospect of our losing taxation powers are misleading the public by alleging that the reform treaty will undermine our corporate tax rate of 12.5%. We will retain all our powers and discretion in taxation policy.

The treaty will not create a super-state, as has been claimed. It safeguards the sovereignty of Ireland and other EU countries. The "No" campaigners claim that the treaty is a grab for power by Brussels at the expense of the individual member states, including Ireland. In fact, the opposite is the case. The treaty sets out for the first time the European Union's exact responsibilities and its limits in these areas. It outlines the parameters of the Union's influence and decision making powers. There will be a clear division of powers in decision making and the influence of the Union over its members.

Ireland is being consulted on the referendum and will continue to be consulted on changes in EU treaties. Those who say the treaty is self-amending and that this may be the last opportunity for the people to vote on an EU treaty are misleading. Ireland must, by virtue of the Constitution, consult the people by means of a referendum when ratifying any future treaty. The reform treaty does not fetter this obligation in any way. It provides for a simplified amending process for future treaties but no major changes can take place without a referendum such as the one being debated.

Some have said the treaty may lead to additional immigration. Ireland, when signing up to the Treaty of Rome in 1973, agreed to the free movement of workers, a principle which is a cornerstone of the European Union. It has allowed Irish people to live and work all over Europe and provided us with Latvian, German, Polish, French and other workers. This has been good for Irish people and the economy. The growth we have experienced in the past ten years would not have taken place without the contribution of the wider European family. The reform treaty adds absolutely nothing new with regard to the ability of Europeans to emigrate to Ireland. Not one additional immigrant will enter this country if we accept the treaty.

If the treaty is passed, will it cost Ireland money? We have received billions of euro from Brussels during the years and have enjoyed an astonishing rate of economic development thanks to our membership. We will in future receive less in EU Cohesion Funds than we have previously, simply because the aid we received has been successfully used by Irish people to expand the economy. Membership of the European Union continues to provide us with huge financial benefits. It is not just about direct payments or the contribution to the national development plan. The biggest financial gains have been indirect. For example, the opportunities provided by the internal market have given us and will continue to give us more than we have ever received in direct funds. With the extension of the Union, growth in the economies of the new member states will provide further opportunities for Irish companies to access these markets and sell our goods.

The previously rejected extension of the EU constitution has been discussed. We are told that the Lisbon treaty is the European constitution in another name and that a con-job is being perpetrated on the people by calling it the Lisbon treaty rather than the European constitution. The treaty is similar to the European constitution, but the elements that made that document a constitution rather than a treaty, including elements with which certain member states were uncomfortable, such as giving status to the EU flag, have been removed. We should vote on the substantive issues, not on the basis of words such as "treaty" and "constitution". The European Union as a project is unprecedented and labels such as these do not do justice to the unique institutional arrangements put in place by the current 27 countries.

As other countries are not holding a referendum, it has been suggested we should use the opportunity to vote "No" to give these other countries a chance to have their say. That is one of the theories being peddled. We have our own Constitution that dictates that we must hold a referendum. No other European country has dictated to us that we should not hold a referendum or told us how to manage our affairs; therefore, why should we tell other sovereign nations how they should go about ratifying a treaty, whether it be an EU treaty or any other international treaty? How other countries decide whether they should sign up for the treaty cannot be dictated by Brussels or any other member state, including Ireland. This is basic international law and also common sense. It would be a dangerous precedent for us to try to dictate to other countries by insisting that they hold referendums. In fact, referendums are unconstitutional in some EU countries such as Germany where they were banned after being abused by Hitler in the 1930s.

It has also been suggested the treaty presents a threat to the future of the Common Agricultural Policy. However, it will have little impact on it except in one way, which is positive. For the first time the directly elected European Parliament as well as the Agriculture and Fisheries Council will vote on issues relating to agriculture. This will be of major benefit to our farmers as their MEPs will have a direct say. For the first time farmers will be in a position to lobby and influence MEPs, rather than just the Minister for Agriculture, Fisheries and Food, on matters of agricultural policy. Under the treaty, Fine Gael will be in a position to have five MEPs influencing the direction of EU agricultural policy.

We are told that the treaty could be a back door to the introduction of abortion and stem cell research, but the opposite is the case. For the first time the competences of the European Union are set out in the treaty. Health policy is strictly deemed to be a competence of each member state, not a responsibility of the Union. Therefore, abortion and such issues are clearly recognised as not being within the scope of the Union. Our own social and moral beliefs are afforded greater protection by the treaty than by any previous one.

We have seen posters of Deputy Creighton throughout the city implying that the treaty will force Ireland to join a European army, but this is absolutely not the case. The new arrangements for co-operation in the areas of security and defence fully respect the neutral position of Ireland and other member states. Ireland will not be subject to a mutual defence clause. European military activity is directed at peacekeeping and crisis intervention. Participation is the option of each member state and not obligatory. Since the 1950s we have been lauded throughout the world for our work with the United Nations. While we have and will continue to participate in peacekeeping missions, it will be on a case by case basis, subject to the triple lock principle, requiring the support of the Government, the Oireachtas and a United Nations mandate. Without these three criteria, the Army will not participate in any peacekeeping or crisis intervention duties.

The "No" campaigners have been forecasting the end of Irish neutrality for 36 years but they have always been wrong and still are on this occasion. There is a view that we should vote "No" to punish the Government's poor level of performance. We agree that the Government has not performed well but we disagree with using a "No" vote to punish it in this respect. We are extremely concerned by the performance of the health service, about our inadequate education system, the mismanagement of the economy and crime. Coming from Limerick, I am very concerned about that issue, as are people from the mid-west and elsewhere. However, the people must not use these matters as excuses to vote "No" and punish the Government. That chance will come at the local and European elections next year. At that time they will be able to judge the Government's policies, but to do so now would damage the country's future role and influence in Europe. It would be the wrong thing to do. I will campaign actively in my area to ensure a "Yes" vote. We are having the first public meeting on this matter in Adare, in my constituency, on 21 April. The leader of Fine Gael, Deputy Kenny, will address the meeting.

Membership of the European Union has been good for Ireland and played a role in creating 1 million extra jobs since 1973. In addition, Ireland has received €58 billion in transfer payments since joining the Union. All Irish citizens enjoy the right to move, work and reside freely in other member states. The introduction of the euro has made travel within the Union much more convenient and cost effective. I could never understand why people said its introduction would entail giving up some of our sovereignty. The punt was based on the pound sterling and, although exchange rates changed, we have more economic and psychological independence within the eurozone than we would have had by remaining with the punt.

Some 960 foreign companies employing 138,000 workers have set up in Ireland since 1973. We enjoy free health cover when we travel to any other EU country and Irish is now an official language of the European Union. Average wages have increased from 60% of the EU average in 1973 to 138% of the average today. That figure can be questioned, however, because it is calculated by including the new member states.

Investment by US companies in Ireland exceeds combined US investment in China, India, Russia and Brazil. Part of the attraction for US companies to locate here is the fact that we are in the European Union. Since joining, over 500 km of motorway have been constructed.

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