Dáil debates

Tuesday, 8 April 2008

Twenty-eighth Amendment of the Constitution Bill 2008: Second Stage (Resumed)

 

6:00 pm

Photo of Bertie AhernBertie Ahern (Dublin Central, Fianna Fail)

When I signed the reform treaty in Lisbon last December together with the Minister for Foreign Affairs, Deputy Dermot Ahern, it was in the full knowledge that it represented an essential part of the process of moving on for the European Union. The EU is moving on from a period of reflection and consultation and from a phase of talking about institutional reform to a phase where the Union can fully focus on the work at hand and prepare for the challenges ahead.

During my entire political career, I have held a strong commitment to the European Union. My core belief is that Ireland benefits hugely from our membership, not just in financial and economic terms, but in terms of our capacity to look outwards and engage with the world beyond our shores. As I said last week at the IMI, Europe has allowed the Irish people, as a nation, to define ourselves externally in terms of what we are, rather than what we are not.

I salute again the decision of our political forebears to apply for membership of the European Communities and to contribute over decades to the evolution of the European Union of today. I salute too the decisions of the Irish people when consulted from time to time over the past 35 years to say "yes" to Europe's development.

I am saddened that despite the evidence of five decades of Europe and 35 years of our own membership, there are still those who instinctively want our nation to withdraw into its shell; they continue to put forward the same arguments, evoking European monsters hiding under the covers of necessarily detailed treaty language. They were wrong when they initially opposed our membership in 1972 and they were wrong when they opposed the Single European Act and the Maastricht, Amsterdam and Nice treaties. They are wrong still.

When opening the debate in this House last Wednesday, the Minister for Foreign Affairs said it could be argued that Ireland has benefited more dramatically than any other country from EU membership. I believe that to be correct. Since we joined the Union, we have made as much, if not more, of the opportunities that membership has afforded us than perhaps any other member state. This is no zero sum game, however, and we did not seize those opportunities at the expense of any other member state. That is one of the great attributes of the European Union.

Our increased prosperity and progress also helps those around us, just as it is in our own interest to have successful European neighbours. Just as with our past, our futures will be also shared. A future within an effective, dynamic European Union is in Ireland's best interests.

We have the privilege of living in one of the most peaceful and prosperous regions of the world. It was not always that way and there is nothing written in stone saying it will always be. We have to work continuously to maintain and improve what we have and nobody with any sense believes we could have achieved what we have for our region by acting as individual member states. It would be foolish to believe we can sustain our shared success by pursuing it individually.

The Union we have today is the fruit of working together for 50 years. It is also the living tree that will bear the fruit of the next 50 years for the generations coming. We can and do enjoy the fruit but we must also tend our tree. That is what the reform which this treaty brings about is designed to do.

The European Union, which we have developed over 50 years, affects many sectors of our society now. Its development reflects real changes in our world as the influence of borders wanes in the face of technological and social change. When I addressed the European Parliament in 2006, I spoke of globalisation, technological change, migration, energy security and terrorism. I commented that it was not the European Union that dreamed up these challenges but we know, logically and intuitively, that our best hopes of managing them lie with the Union.

People expect us to deliver on their aspirations and their needs and expect that we, as politicians, will develop and maintain the capacity to do just that. We are now asking the public to approve a treaty which will ensure the Union can keep pace with change, and in short, that it can continue to meet the needs of our public.

It is true this treaty does not contain a big ticket issue as others before it did. There is no Single European Act, no single currency to be launched on this occasion. Nor, in its structure, is it a thing of beauty. However, its focus on improving the functioning of the Union, rather than altering radically its area of competence, represents a level of maturity within a Union of 50 years standing. What we are doing now in Europe is getting our house in order; we are tending our tree.

I will briefly recap the key elements of the treaty. The reformed decision making methodology will see greater use of qualified majority voting within the Council, whereby a double majority of population and member states is required with appropriate safeguards. This is logical and approval of a decision requires the support of a clear majority of the member states representing a clear majority of the people. However, unanimity will continue to be required for decisions in sensitive policy areas.

In this regard, I see taxation features in the newspapers again today. Let me once again spell out the position: the treaty will change absolutely nothing here and decisions on taxation will continue to require the unanimous approval of all member states. Nothing could be clearer.

The idea of a common consolidated corporation tax base, or CCCTB, can of course be discussed but I see no prospect of it coming into effect this year, next year or in 30 years. The reform treaty does nothing to change that. The CCCTB is something to which I have been consistently opposed. I have done so since 1992 and it gets easier to do so. It is a daft idea put forward by people who do not really know what they are talking about. In my view the idea is unhelpful, unnecessary and unworkable. Many other member states are coming to the same conclusion, although the topic has not been discussed yet by EU finance ministers.

Returning to the treaty, the increased role for the European Parliament, particularly as co-legislator, is welcome and brings greater democracy to the Union. The European Parliament is a key institution and one to which our media ought to pay greater attention. Yesterday evening I had the pleasure of welcoming the President of the Parliament, Hans-Gert Pöttering, on his visit to Ireland, and I very much appreciate that he addressed the Seanad this morning. I thank him for his time and commitment.

The new role for national parliaments, particularly with regard to the protocol on proportionality and subsidiarity, represents a key measure to move decision-making closer to the citizens. The operation of the protocol presents both a challenge and an opportunity for the Oireachtas. It is an important and welcome development, and I am confident the Oireachtas will fulfil its new responsibilities extremely well.

In addition, this involvement of national parliaments opens the possibility of increasing the public's understanding and awareness of the work of the European Union. The new posts of President of the European Council and High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy are sensible, indeed necessary, responses to the need for greater coherence in the Union's business and its external representation.

The rotating six-month Presidency has served the Union well and Ireland has a proud record of delivering excellent presidencies. The privilege afforded to me to serve as President of the European Council in 2004, particularly the honour to welcome what were then called the new member states to full membership in May 2004, is one I will always treasure. The six-month rotating Presidency continues in a changed form.

The role of the European Council has grown over the more than ten years that I have been a member. We now need even better preparation of, and follow up to, meetings to ensure the work of the Council is translated into real benefits for all of our citizens. Suggestions that the post of European Council President will give its occupant excessive powers are well wide of the mark. The new President will be appointed by the European Council and be responsible to its members. The President's powers will derive from decisions of the European Council, which the President will chair. Decisions will, as always, continue to be taken by the member states.

On the external relations side, it is clear that a single representative of both the Council and Commission is required if the European Union is to be able to punch its weight internationally. This has led to the creation of the high representative position and the new President of the European Council being given a role with regard to external relations. However, they can only articulate agreed EU positions.

The Charter of Fundamental Rights, which reflects the European Union's values and underpins the rights of individuals across the Union, is brought into effect by the treaty. It is right that the Union has this clear expression of the fundamental rights that are central to the development of so many areas of its work.

The explicit inclusion within the European Union's competences of climate change, at my initiative, means that confronting one of the world's greatest challenges is now hardwired into the machinery of Europe. Few issues capture as neatly what we need in Europe or illustrate so compellingly why the Union is looked to the world over as an unparalleled model of international sharing of sovereignty. As for climate change, there is no doubt that changes are necessary if we are to confront the challenge. Those changes may not be easy. However, as we enter a new energy era, there will be a moment of immense opportunity.

It is difficult to believe that more than six years have passed since we adopted the Laeken Declaration which could be thought of as the origins of the treaty we are debating. It committed the European Union to strive to be more democratic, transparent and effective. The Lisbon treaty delivers on all of this for the Union. It will be more democratic thanks to increased roles for both the European and national parliaments and the introduction of the citizens' initiative. It will be more transparent on foot of the changes in the way the Council will conduct its business and because the role of national parliaments in scrutinising proposed legislative measures will ensure a greater awareness of them. The Union will be more efficient as a result of the revised decision-making procedures, the reduction in the number of Commission members — but with full equality for member states — and the introduction of the new posts of President of the Council and high representative.

When I signed the treaty on behalf of Ireland, I did so knowing that, as with the earlier constitutional treaty, we had achieved all our key goals during the negotiations. No country gets everything it wants in negotiations of this nature but we are extremely satisfied with a treaty which enables Europe to function much more effectively and efficiently and which does not adversely affect any of Ireland's key interests.

We know the world is changing fast and many are intimidated by the feeling of the future rushing towards them. Globalisation is so real that many are already tiring of it. Ireland is often referred to as being among the most globalised countries in the world, probably because that is the case. For hundreds of years — sadly not for the happiest of reasons — we have been a highly globalised people. This has served us well in recent times in ways we could never have anticipated in the light of the unhappy circumstances that gave rise to it. One salient point to be made about our progress is that our people are no longer obliged to leave the country. Our membership of the European Union has played a central role in achieving that change, not least by encouraging foreign investment and giving companies assured access to lucrative markets across the Continent.

The European Union has also been an immense support to the peace process on this island. It is difficult to imagine that the many positive changes we have witnessed in the past ten years could have come about without the support and encouragement of so many from beyond our shores, as well as those within Ireland, North and South.

The wisdom of previous generations that resolved to face outwards has its reward in the peace, stability and prosperity we enjoy. The responsibility to future generations is now ours. There can be no doubt but that the best way to preserve the progress we have made is to remain actively and positively engaged with Europe and the wider world. We must continue to go abroad and seek to influence the world which influences us. We must resist passivity or any sense of fatality about global change. Instead, we must seek to shape and embrace that change. We must never turn in on ourselves and become blind to the challenges and opportunities that are evolving all the time.

For the European Union, the same arguments apply. As the largest integrated market in the world, with a leading currency, home to many of the world's most successful economies, host to societies with among the best living standards on the planet and as a democratic, stable area of peace and prosperity, Europe simply must play its role in the world. The European Union is a force for good. Our values are clear: respect for human dignity; freedom; democracy; equality; the rule of law; and human rights. If our values do not shape our world and our future, then others will.

For many years I have represented Ireland and pursued its interests in Europe. My party and the Governments I have been privileged to lead have worked tirelessly to ensure Ireland reaps the benefits of EU membership, that its voice is heard on the European stage and that the Union is attuned to its interests and needs. This reflects the desire of the vast majority of Members of the House for a constructive engagement with the Union.

The negotiation of the reform treaty is the latest chapter of that work and Ireland's national interests were well protected therein. We must now ensure the European Union is equipped for the future. We need the Union to continue to play its role, both within its borders and on the global stage. That is what the treaty sets out to do and what it does very well. That is why it is vital that the House adopt the Bill which gives effect to the referendum on the reform treaty. Above all, that is why it is vital not just that there be a "Yes" vote on 12 June but that it be a resounding and confident "Yes".

I wish colleagues on all sides who are involved in the campaign well. The only advice I can give is that nothing should be taken for granted. It is in the interests of the country and the coming generations that we work hard to ensure there will be a resounding "Yes" vote. The latter will strengthen our position in Europe and at the European Council and various Ministerial Councils. The fact that, unlike all other member states, Ireland will have a democratic mandate, will strengthen our position immeasurably.

Comments

No comments

Log in or join to post a public comment.