Aengus Ó Snodaigh (Dublin South Central, Sinn Fein)

Tá stair bródúil againn de bharr taithí saighdiúrí an Stáit a d'oibrigh ar son na síochána thar lear leis na Náisiúin Aontaithe. Chun fios a bheith againn ar an stair spéisiúil atá againn ó thaobh saighdiúrí na hÉireann ag obair lámh i lámh le saighdiúrí ó tíortha eile thar na cianta, ní gá ach féachaint siar go dtí tréibhse imeacht na n-iarlaí. Nuair a chuaigh na n-iarlaí thar lear chuaigh siad isteach in arm na Fraince agus na Spáinne agus sheas siad leo i cogaí san Eoraip.

Le tamall anuas, ó bhunaíodh na Náisiúin Aontaithe, tá tréimhse nua sa domhan. Tá sé tábhachtach, mar sin, go mbreathnódh muid siar ar an fáth a bunaíodh an t-eagras sin agus na fadhbanna a bhaineann leis. Is cóir dúinn tacaíocht a thabhairt i gcónaí don eagras sin agus gach is féidir linn a dhéanamh chun a dhéanamh cinnte gurb é an t-eagras is foirfe é. Mar a dúirt mé sa Teach cheana, ní tharlaíonn sin agus muid ag gabháil le grúpaí cogaíochta mar atáimid sa chás seo le grúpa cogaíochta na hEorpa. Gearann an coincheap sin trasna ar an bhun prionsabal gur chóir go mbeadh na Náisiúin Aontaithe chun tosaigh ag coimeád síochána in áiteanna sa domhan ina bhfuil raic, cogaíocht nó géarchéim de shórt éigin ar siúl.

Aithním go bhfuil géarchéim uafásach sa Sead agus go bhfuil gá le fórsa idirnáisiúnta chun tacaíocht a thabhairt dóibh siúd atá i gcruachás sa tír. Is cóir freisin go mbeadh fórsa síochána ar an talamh sa tír sin, ach ba cheart go dtiocfadh sin go hiomlan faoi smacht na Náisiúin Aontaithe, seachas aon ghrúpa eile. Tá an fhadhb agus an cruachás i Sead ag éirí níos measa, agus ní gá dúinn ach féachaint ar na pictiúir a tháinig ón tír sin le tamall anuas chun a fheiscint cé chomh dona agus atá sé. Is í an fhadhb is mó a bhaineann leis na Náisiúin Aontaithe ná nach féidir cuid de na tíortha san eagras sin a choimeád faoi smacht i dtaobh cá dtéann a gcuid fórsaí. Déantar moilleadóireacht go minic ar chinneadh tuairimí, mar shampla, cinneadh a dhéanamh gur cóir dúinn cuidiú le leithéid Sead i bhfad níos tapúla. Is isteach san achar sin atá leithéid NATO nó grúpa cogaíochta na hEorpa tar éis sleamhnú, áit nach cóir go mbeadh siad. Ba chóir go mbeadh athraithe suntasacha déanta ag na Náisiúin Aontaithe, ionas go mbeadh siad in ann freagra níos tapúla a thabhairt ar fhadhbbanna daonra timpeall an domhain, fadhbanna a thagann chun cinn de bharr teipeanna sa chóras poiblí, mar shampla, ba chóir cinneadh a dhéanamh i dtaobh humanitarian support. Chomh maith le sin, ba cheart dóibh déileáil le fadhbanna a bhaineann le cogaíocht i dtíortha eile.

Sa chás seo, is trua liom nach bhfuil go leor eolas againn mar gheall ar an eachtra seo — an mandate atá i gceist, mar shampla, nó conas a íocfaimid as. Cé chomh fada is a leanfaidh sé? Cad é an toradh deireanach atá á lorg againn sa chás seo?

Dar ndóigh, táimid buartha mar gheall ar an ról lárnach atá ag an bhFrainc san eachtra seo. Cé go mbeidh Lieutenant General Patrick Nash i gceannas ar an bhfórsa, beidh sé lonnaithe i bPáras. Beidh formhór na saighdiúrí sa fórsa seo ón bhFrainc, go bhfios dom. Tá ról lárnach á imirt ag muintir na Fraince san Aontas Eorpach agus leanfaidh sé sin. Ní chóir dúinn dearmad a dhéanamh go raibh an Sead mar chuid d'Impireacht na Fraince uair amháin. Tá ceangal mór fós idir an Fhrainc agus regime Idriss Déby. Tá tacaíocht nach beag á thabhairt ag údaráis na Fraince don regime sin, in ainneoin na ceisteanna móra atá ann maidir le taifead cearta daonna regime Déby agus an leibhéal caimiléireachta atá le sonrú sa tír sin. Ní gá ach féachaint ar an toghchán uachtaránach a tharla i Sead anuraidh, nuair a sheas an freasúra siar — níor ghlacadar aon pháirt sa toghchán úd — de thairbhe an caimiléireacht a bhí ar siúl, ar nós cinsireacht rialtais agus neamhrialtachtaí éagsúla maidir le clárú na vótalaithe. An bhfuil an cheart ag muintir na Fraince, chomh maith linn féin, dar ndóigh, bheith gafa chomh mór leis an Sead? I ndeireadh thiar, is oifigeach na Fraince a bheidh i gceannas ar an dtalamh sa tír sin.

Tá an-bhród orainn maidir lenár páirt sna Náisiúin Aontaithe. Beidh sé deacair orainn an meas atá orainn timpeall an domhain, ó thaobh an seasamh neodrach atá againn sna Náisiúin Aontaithe, a chosaint de thairbhe go bhfuilimid chun ceangal a fhorbairt le grúpa cogaíochta mar seo. Tá an cuma ann ar fud an domhain go bhfuilimid ag taobhú le iar-fórsa impireachta san Aifric. Sa chás seo, is trua liom nach bhfuil go leor eolas againn mar gheall ar an eachtra seo — an mandate atá i gceist, mar shampla, nó conas a íocfaimid as. Cé chomh fada is a leanfaidh sé? Cad é an toradh deireanach atá á lorg againn sa chás seo?

From participation in the EU rapid reaction force to NATO's Partnership for Peace, and now the EU battle group, Ireland is becoming increasingly associated with the fledgling EU army and the military intervention but is also committing increasing amounts of money to acquire weapons of war to facilitate this burgeoning military enterprise within the European Union. For those reasons and ones I have aspoused here in the past, my party is opposed to Irish participation in this force and I outlined that when the first four soldiers were sent.

We have consistently cautioned against the deployment of EU battle groups and we believe the increase in military missions will further boost the militarisation of the EU. We believe battle groups serve the purpose of the EU's military and economic elites and seek to sideline the United Nation's ability to deliver on peacekeeping missions. That is true because what we have contributed to this battle group will not be available to the UN in other fields. There is a deliberate shift in focus from the UN to the EU and it is both dangerous and distructive. The United Nations must be provided with the resources and political support it requires to undertake peacekeeping tasks, including rapid deployment, and ensure that it is not vying with other regional alliances attempting to duplicate its work.

The EU is increasingly involved in seeking solutions to conflicts in Africa by military means and this is reflected by the increasing number of military operations. In addition, the exploitation and pillaging of natural resources and raw materials on that continent by developed nations endanger rights as well as the political and economic future of Africa and its people, especially concerning the resources in Chad. Many of the EU states at present involved are the ones which caused much of the underlying problems and tensions in Africa in the first place, and that has continued since the imperialist stage has ended and new imperialism has sought to exploit the natural wealth of the African nations. That is being carried out by multinational companies based in their former colonial masters' countries such as France and Germany, and in the United States in recent times.

Rather than automatically defaulting to the support of militaristic means to resolve the conflict in Darfur, the Irish Government should be demanding a review of the EU strategy for Africa with the full involvement of the African nations. I reiterate that there is no denying that the position of the people of Chad is dire and requires urgent international peacekeeping and humanitarian support. However, the former must be provided by the United Nations, not outsourced to the EU military force.

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