Billy Timmins (Wicklow, Fine Gael)

Fine Gael supports the motion. The European Union battle group concept has been strongly supported by Fine Gael and I am happy to reiterate our support again today. From the outset, Fine Gael has recognised the value that battle groups could bring to our response to humanitarian disaster or the threat to human life from political upheaval or even genocide. In responding to matters as grave as these, we believe every day can count for thousands of lives and that there is a special responsibility on the international community to put in place the best system so we can respond to crises effectively, efficiently and, above all, quickly.

I welcome Ireland's membership of this EU battle group. This has been a long time coming. When this concept was first mooted, there were frequent public contradictions of Government policy between the Ministers with responsibility for foreign affairs and defence, with even the Taoiseach making suggestions that Ireland might not be able to take part on constitutional grounds. Through all this time, Fine Gael rightly rejected the idea that there might be a constitutional difficulty with Ireland's participation and we advocated that Ireland press forward on this matter with all other European Union countries.

I support the memorandum of understanding agreed between Ireland and the countries of the Nordic battle group, namely, Sweden, Norway, Finland and Estonia, and the memorandum of understanding with the United Kingdom regarding the use of facilities at Northwood as the operational headquarters for the military grouping.

We should remember that the development of these battle groups has been strongly supported by, among others, the former Secretary General of the United Nations. The United Nations has recognised that regional groupings, such as the EU battle groups, will play an ever-increasing role in promoting stability and tackling large-scale human rights abuses. Importantly, Kofi Annan has also commented that sometimes it is necessary to show force in order not to use it. This is vital. The international community must have the capacity, agreement, organisation and will to stand firm against those who would promote death and destruction, genocide and vile abuses of human rights.

Ireland cannot forget, and the European Union has a duty to remember, that in our recent history genocide and the large-scale loss of human life took place within our midst and we allowed ourselves to be largely powerless to stop it. This realisation should also inform our position with regard to the development of these necessary and welcome EU battle groups. However, I remain seriously concerned at the legislative response to Ireland's involvement in these groupings. Contingents of our Defence Forces can only be deployed under the triple lock system. This means, for Ireland, that any potential military action must be endorsed by a full United Nations mandate establishing or authorising such an international UN force, approved by Dáil Éireann and agreed within the Government itself.

The development of EU battle groups has been specifically designed to allow for a swift response to unfolding situations of concern. I understand that the EU battle group on call at any time will be in a position to deploy quickly to trouble-spots or in responding to a humanitarian crisis. However, as we all know, the provisions of the so-called triple lock have already impacted negatively on Ireland's involvement in certain peacekeeping missions. For example, Ireland could not participate in the EU peacekeeping force, Operation Concordia, sent to the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia even though this force replaced NATO and had both EU and UN support, as set out in UN Resolution 1371.

The difficulty in getting a resolution establishing or authorising an international UN force can relate to the self-interests of members of the Security Council. In the case of Macedonia, such a resolution was not carried because it did not suit the interests of China. Macedonia had recognised Taiwan so China retaliated by blocking the UN peacekeeping force resolution. Therefore, by having a triple lock we have given self-serving members of the UN Security Council, who may be operating to a narrow national agenda, the right to pre-empt our free and democratic decision. This is neither healthy nor wise.

With specific regard to the development of EU battle groups, the mechanism of the UN Security Council can easily mitigate against quick decision-making. In the absence of a UN mandate for action, it is easy to foresee a situation whereby the Irish contingent of the EU battle group may not be in a position to respond alongside their colleagues due to the absence of formal UN backing, critically undermining the entire concept, not to mention the group that they will have trained alongside. Although Ireland will now enter into an arrangement where a contingent of our forces will be in position and waiting to move on humanitarian or peacekeeping duties, should an international emergency occur, the possibility is that we may have to stay in Northwood in Britain and allow our battle group counterparts to go it alone.

Our foreign policy should not and must not be a slave to the permanent members of the UN Security Council. The Government cannot pretend it is in a battle group and then discover our troops cannot move when they are needed. It should face up to reality and amend the triple lock in line with legislation Fine Gael presented years ago. The vagaries of UN Security Council permanent members must be taken out of the picture. We cannot continue to allow the effectiveness of our troops to be blunted by this outdated mechanism.

Notwithstanding this, it is important to note that these battle groups are not a great change from the current position. However, following from difficulties the UN experienced with regard to the effectiveness of its forces, a report was commissioned, known as the Brahimi report, which recommended that the UN outsource some of its operations to various regional bodies, such as the European Union or the African Union. What we see here is a mechanism whereby units which are participating in an operation can train and work together and become more organised, which will ultimately lead to a more effective force that will be able to deal with many of the difficulties that exist.

We often talk of the concept of neutrality. Ireland is not neutral per se; it is simply unaligned. However, it is important to point out that this measure in no way impinges on our neutrality. Fine Gael is coming from the other end of the spectrum in that we believe the State is mature enough to take its own decisions, on the basis of Dáil and Government approval, on what we should and should not participate in.

Darfur is not a classic example because the Sudanese Government will not grant authority to the UN to intervene there. We talk of standing idly by with regard to genocides in the past. Tens of thousands of people are being massacred in Darfur but the international community is doing nothing. I cannot understand how Ireland, as a member of the international community, can justify this. We can issue all the pious condemnation we want but they will achieve nothing. To return to the point made by Kofi Annan, sometimes we must show force to prevent wrongdoing. This is what the battle group concept is about.

Some 80 to 100 Irish ordnance personnel will initially participate in the battle group. This will certainly benefit the development of the Defence Forces. As they have shown over a number of decades, the Defence Forces are capable of competing with any other force in the world, provided they have the necessary equipment. They are educated and very progressive. I wish them well.

I take this opportunity to wish all members of the Defence Forces well over the coming months. As this may be the last Question Time on defence matters in this Dáil, I wish the Minister and his staff well. I congratulate Major General Earley on his appointment as Chief of Staff of the Defence Forces. It will be a popular decision as he is highly respected across a wide spectrum of Irish public life, and the appointment will benefit the Defence Forces. I also congratulate his colleague, Brigadier General O'Sullivan, on his promotion and wish Lieutenant General Sreenan well in his retirement.

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