Emmet Stagg (Kildare North, Labour)

I welcome the Government's decision to bring this matter before the House. We thank the Minister for providing the history of the treaty and its operations. It is useful to have this information on the record.

This is a timely debate. Recent developments internationally on the development and testing of nuclear weapons by a number of countries have received much attention. Only last week we were informed of the successful nuclear test conducted by North Korea and this morning we hear that it is to carry out further testing. This test was a deeply distressing act that undermined security in Asia and was provocatively in clear defiance of the United Nations. Moreover, such developments also underline the precarious position of the nuclear non-proliferation treaty of which Ireland was an author.

It is the Labour Party's belief that all countries intent on developing and testing nuclear weapons should be dealt with in the context of international law. This applies as much to Israel, India, and Pakistan as it does to North Korea and Iran, all of which have yet to officially declare their nuclear capability. It is striking how little we now hear of Israel's nuclear capability, in contrast to the frequent media reports and justifiably frenzied fears expressed about North Korea and Iran. In regard to the Iranian situation in particular, while the Bush Administration in the United States rhetorically tells the world it is seeking a diplomatic solution to Iran's nuclear threat, it is becoming increasingly evident that this may well be used as a cover for forcing regime change there.

To return to North Korea, in the short term, given the small number of nuclear weapons in its possession, it is to be hoped that diplomacy rather than direct intervention can deal with this threat. That being said, the international community through the United Nations must express its total outrage and abhorrence at the use of nuclear weapons. Aggressive acts such as nuclear tests undermine efforts towards stability in Asia and could precipitate conflict between North Korea and its immediate neighbour to the south. Regional security must therefore be the immediate priority, as well as ensuring the safety of the millions of people living in the area.

North Korea is currently isolated from the wider regional and international community. It is appalling that a country so desperately in need of food responds to its isolation by developing weapons for malign purposes. Serious concerns must be expressed about the motives of the government in carrying out these tests, the regime itself, and the welfare of the North Korean people.

The tests have rightly been condemned at the highest level. The United Nations must now be given the lead role in placating the North Koreans and ensuring security in the region and throughout Asia. The North Korean situation emphasises the need for countries such as Ireland to return to the nuclear non-proliferation discussion as a matter of urgency. While the nuclear powers have not fulfilled their decommissioning and disarmament commitments, as was their obligation under Article 6, the treaty has been of immense significance in stopping proliferation.

The nuclear suppliers group, founded in 1977, has 45 members, of which Ireland is one. The group operates by consensus and Ireland can thus block any attempt to dilute the conditions of the NPT. The treaty imposes disciplines to what are called the "Full Scope Safeguards of the International Atomic Energy Agency".

India, along with Pakistan and Israel, has not signed or ratified the nuclear non-proliferation treaty, while North Korea has withdrawn from it. These countries are therefore not subject to the full scope safeguards. Earlier this year India offered to allow the IAEA to examine some of its nuclear installations. While this would have placed on India a requirement similar to that which the nuclear powers, USA, France, Russia, UK, and China, are subject, it would not have bound India under the non-proliferation treaty.

The international community cannot settle for fudges such as this. Ireland led the way in developing and enshrining the principles of nuclear non-proliferation and we must ensure that all countries in possession of nuclear weapons are governed by the full rigours of the treaty.

Turning to the legislation before us today, the Nuclear Test Ban Bill 2006 gives effect to our national obligations under the comprehensive nuclear test ban treaty. The Labour Party fully endorses this legislation which will ban nuclear explosions in all environments for military or civilian purposes. It is regrettable that given the large number of countries that are signatories to the treaty but are unlikely to follow Ireland's lead and enforce it nationally, it will not come into force for some time. This is all the more regrettable considering that arms controls advocates have been advocating the need for such a global treaty since the early 1950s. In this regard it would be most helpful if the United States, a signatory to the original treaty, moved to ratify it in Congress. This would help to establish an international norm and would, perhaps, encourage other countries such as India, Pakistan, Iran, and North Korea to do likewise.

I would, therefore, like to take this opportunity to ask the Government to continually press the United States Government to ratify the treaty. Given the current international climate, this may be unlikely, but if we are ever to make a breakthrough in containing and arresting the spread of nuclear weapons, then major powers such as the United States must respect international obligations they have already signed up to at the United Nations.

Sadly, the failure of the United States to do this is typical of its attitude towards the UN and its treaties and agreements in this regard. Perhaps it will take a much needed change of government and the removal of the current administration before this can happen.

Undoubtedly, the issue of nuclear non-proliferation, specifically with regard to weapons of mass destruction, has gained increasing importance in recent years. The Labour Party continues to believe that multilateral engagement rather than confrontation is the best means of addressing the spread of nuclear weapons.

In considering this Bill I am struck by the fact that it is impossible to divorce nuclear weapons from the wider issue of the use of nuclear energy. Too often the development of nuclear power and trade in uranium specifically is used as a cover for the simultaneous manufacture of nuclear weapons. Ireland remains opposed to the nuclear option. Nuclear power carries with it a great threat to the environment and public health and safety. The day before yesterday this issue was highlighted once again, with the British Nuclear Fuel group receiving a significant fine from a local court for ongoing radiation leaks at the Sellafield reprocessing plant.

The Labour Party has led the way in calling for the closure of this nuclear junkyard. I take this opportunity to repeat that call. Sellafield continues to pose a major threat to this country, either by way of an accident at the plant, through waste being pumped into the Irish Sea, or through the threat of a terrorist attack on the plant. It remains official Government policy to seek the closure of the plant. I remind it of that commitment. It should use all available opportunities to raise this issue with the British Government and to seek the closure of Sellafield once and for all. I welcome this Bill before the House; it will have the support of the Labour Party.

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