Aengus Ó Snodaigh (Dublin South Central, Sinn Fein)

Tá an deis againn arís roinnt focal a rá maidir le cruinniú mullaigh na Comhairle Eorpaí. Is trua, áfach, go bhfuil muid ag déileáil leis i ndiaidh na comhairle, ag féachaint ar na torthaí seachas aon ionchur a bheith againn sa Teach seo maidir le clár oibre an chruinnithe sin. The period of reflection has come to an end or has it? The new "two-track" approach seems as cosmetic and useless in terms of identifying and responding to the wishes of ordinary people as the period of reflection was. The European elite did not learn much from that period. They still fail to accept that the EU constitution and its neo-liberal substance have been expressly rejected. There was much talk during the period of the importance of communicating to citizens what the EU was doing. However, there was little or no sign of the radical reforms needed to bring the EU in line with the views of citizens in that period.

Although the future of the constitution is unclear, I will reiterate Sinn Féin's position. We are opposed to any attempt to re-table the Constitution or its neo-liberal contents. We will also continue to highlight and oppose the introduction of elements of the failed constitution by stealth via the Hague programme, as has happened regularly in the House in the past year.

I also regret, although I am not surprised, that little progress has been made on transparency in the work of the Council. This is a testament to the democratic deficit at the heart of the European Union. Key decisions will still be made behind closed doors and without accountability.

I will address the Council conclusions on Israel. The European Council Presidency conclusions state "the European Union remains committed to working with the Quartet towards the goal of a just, viable and lasting solution". It has yet to demonstrate this commitment through action. Thus far, all the EU has demonstrated is a commitment to the continuation of Israeli policies of occupation, extra-judicial killings and collective punishment. It walks this walk while paying lip service to the just demands of the Palestinian people that their right to be free from illegal occupation and the endemic human rights abuse it involves be protected. Actions speak louder than words and the Council's condemnation of Israeli violence against Palestinian civilians is not accompanied by the suspension of preferential trade with Israel on human rights grounds. The conclusion has no teeth.

More often than not, when I put important questions to the Minister on the Government's foreign policy he abdicates his responsibility for this State's international relations to Brussels. He argues that while he would support the Palestinians, such decisions are made by the whole Council and his hands are, therefore, tied. This position is not good enough. When the Government has been given the opportunity to demonstrate its support for the realisation of a Palestinian state in the Council, for example, when the decision was taken to withdraw aid to the Palestinian Authority at a previous Council meeting, its cowardice becomes clear to all. Irish people are behind the Palestinians. It is, therefore, incumbent on the Minister to represent their voices at the European foreign policy making table and he should vote accordingly.

On 9 June, Israeli forces launched an attack on a beach killing seven Palestinians, including three children. On 13 June, an Israeli missile strike on Gaza city killed nine Palestinians, including two children. Yesterday, an Israeli air strike in the Gaza Strip killed a further three children aged 16, seven and five years, respectively. These attacks are unjustifiable and amount to the collective punishment of the Palestinian people. They are war crimes. There is an urgent need for the Government to break with the prevailing positions in the European Union, revise its policy of relations with Israel, specifically by ending its policy of preferential trade with Israel, and begin persuading its European counterparts to do likewise.

Is trua nach ndearna an comhairle seo cinneadh nach bhfuil dhá ghrád ann, le rial amháin don dream amháin agus rial eile don dream eile, go háirithe maidir leis an mhargadh fostaíochta. Cá bhfuil an cinneadh gur cóir don Comhairle a ghlacadh, go mbeadh an margadh fostaíochta oscailte do gach saoránach agus do gach ball stát? Ba chóir go mbeadh an Rialtas ar lorg tacaíochta na dtíortha eile san Aontas Eorpach go mbeidh an margadh sin oscailte agus go mbeidh sé ar an chlár oibre don chéad chruinniú mullaigh eile go mbeidh an margadh fostaíochta oscailte go hiomlán do saoránaigh na mball stáit san Aontas, agus an Bhulgáir agus an Rúmáin nuair a thiocfaidh siad isteach.

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