Aengus Ó Snodaigh (Dublin South Central, Sinn Fein)

The Minister of State is free not to agree to differ with me if he wishes. The Bill contains the provision to which I referred and allows facilities that are far beyond anything else bar facilities to which I have referred.

Critical infrastructure, which is now referred to as strategic infrastructure, would allow incinerators — they are called thermal power stations — landfills and other major developments, such as motorways, daft pipelines and the like. We must examine the history of planning and the abuse thereof in this State to determine what is behind this. As the Government has not got its way, it has decided to bypass a system that, while flawed, at least gave the public a voice and an opportunity to prevent developments detrimental to their communities, the environment and good planning for the future.

Without getting into specifics at this stage, it would have been sufficient to build most current motorway developments as dual carriageways. Motorways cost more and the companies employed to build them are obviously friends of the Government, because these developments have been rammed through time and again without proving their value for money. If the same amount was spent on bringing our rail network up to scratch and investing in public transport as has been spent on motorways, we would have a better transport system.

This Bill is meant to bypass communities and allow for such motorways to be built at a quicker pace. Other than bringing cars into the traffic jams in Dublin, Cork or other cities now suffering the consequences of our motorcar culture, why would one want to build motorways at a quicker pace? They are facilitated because most of the plans are for toll roads run by the private sector. This says it all. I will return to the issue of motorways agus an damáiste a dhéantar don trédhearcacht agus don oidhreacht.

Another issue covered by the Bill is that of vital gas or oil pipelines. We have no control over our natural resources now that Fianna Fáil has sold them to the highest bidder. Actually, there were no bids and nothing, bar the money for the licence, was given. We facilitated the likes of Shell by giving it our gas and ramming a pipeline through County Mayo and the rest of the country to the detriment and endangerment of communities. The Rossport five and other campaigners highlighted all of the dangers.

The Government is facilitating the private sector again so we can buy back at market value gas that is already on our shores. The Government threw away our right to our natural resources. This is a bizarre infrastructural decision that will probably occur more often, as there are a number of wells other than that off Rossport that will land gas and oil. I call on the Government to address the licensing issue and ensure the people control our wealth and natural resources. Pipelines are vital in terms of infrastructure, but a pipeline can move, be put where it is appropriate and made safer. We could ensure that communities are not at risk and receive most of the benefits of these gas and oil finds. They are on the west coast where successive Governments have never made proper investments.

The motorway issue clearly shows the dangers of this type of legislation which would, in many ways, bypass opportunities for communities and individuals to raise concerns about developments by speeding up the process. It would bypass the ability to put together a proper case in connection with, for example, Tara, the M3 and Carrickmines, where areas of archaeological and historical value were and are being destroyed in favour of progress.

Communities suggested alternatives to the Government's planned motorway that cost the same or were cheaper than it. When someone produces a cheaper or more logical alternative and it is rejected, the underlying reason for the plan is always called into question. When alternative routes were produced for the M3, why were they not taken on board in the interest of saving money and preserving our heritage for future generations? There is a hint of corruption when such occurs. We need only examine what has emerged at tribunals in recent years to see the culture underlying many planning decisions.

For this reason, any Bill that lessens democratic accountability and the opportunity for communities to make complaints, raise issues and increase awareness about their cases concerns me. In most cases, communities do so at a disadvantage. They do not have the funds, planners and architects that the Government or big developers have. They are already hampered, but the Government is trying to hamper them even further through this Bill.

There has always been bad planning on this island. We do not have a proper plan for the future, as the national development plan has not worked properly and the national spatial strategy is being ignored lock, stock and barrel by local authorities and the Government, according to its decentralisation plan. We need proper planning so we can plan installations for the future, the democratic shift and how to deal with traffic. We cannot continue to put more cars on the road and build more motorways to get those cars to traffic jams. We need to plan for our schools and, in particular, to ensure estates are completed to the satisfaction of buyers, residents and the local authorities that must service them.

In terms of transport, bad planning is obvious in the closure of railway lines during the past decade. Investment in the railways rather than in motorways to serve Dublin would have served us much better. A mess has been made of planning on this island but strategic infrastructure legislation offering so-called solutions is now being rushed through. This Bill has the potential to create bigger problems for us into the future.

Caithfidh muinín a bheith ag an bpobal sa phróiséas pleanála. Faoi láthair, tá an muinín sin ag maolú de shíor. Diaidh ar ndiaidh, tá anpobal ag éirí tinn tuirseach de troid de shíor i gcoinne rachmasóirí agus lucht forbairt gur cuma sa tsioc leo faoin bpobal. An rud atá i gceist acu ná an méid is mó airgid agus is féidir a bhaint as an talamh atá acu. Tá cead acu é sin a dhéanamh, dar ndóigh. Is é sin an chóras atá againn. Ba chóir go mbeadh an Stáit agus na húdaráis áitiúla ag seasamh leis an bpobal agus ag déanamh cinnte de go bhfuil plean maith i gceist. Níor chóir dúinn a bheith ag pleanáil le hárasáin de shíor mar atáimid faoi láthair i mo cheantar. Tá bloc 47 stór ar airde le tógáil ar Shráid Thomáis. A building of 47 storeys in one of the most historical parts of this city is being planned at the moment. It is not a community facility but a business facility, a 360-bed hotel. We do not need to go to the skies to facilitate housing in this city. Níl mise ná an pobal áitiúl sásta le bloc 47 stór ar airde.

Mar a dúirt mé, níl an muinín ceart ag an bpobal sa phróiséas pleanála. Ní gá ach dul siar trí na blianta ar cad a tharla nuair a chuaigh na daoine ar na sráideanna ar picéid nó ag máirseáil i gcás Cé an Adhmaid, nó Wood Quay. Creid nó ná creid, is cuimhin liom an máirseáil sin. Is cuimhin liom chomh maith an máirseáil nuair a bhí Teach Frascati á ghabháil, roimh an máirseáil maidir le Cé an Adhmaid. Bhrúigh siad bóthar tríd an cheantar ina raibh teach mór tábhachtach ó thaobh stair na hÉireann de. Bhí ceangal idir an teach agus imeachtaí 1798 agus imeachtaí eile roimhe sin. Cad a tharla i gCarraig Mhaighin? Cad atá ag tarlú i dTeamhair? Cad atá ag tarlú thar na blianta sa chathair seo, áit ina scriosadh tithe Seoirseacha in ionad iad a chaomhnú? Ba chóir iad a thabhairt do dhaoine a bhí sásta aire a thabhairt dóibh, nó do theaghlaigh a bhí sásta fanacht iontu agus cónaí i lár na cathrach.

Caithfimid a bheith cúramach i gcónaí ó thaobh pleanáil de. Measaim gurb iad na binsí fiosrúcháín, agus an méad atá á nochtú iontu lá i ndiaidh lae, an léiriú is mó den fáth go bhfuil gá orainn a bheith cúramach ó thaobh an chóras pleanála de. Tá mé ag caint mar gheall ar an tslí ina ghlac iad siúd a bhí i gceannas ar an gcóras breabanna ar son na rachmasóirí. Tá teipthe ar an chóras sin. Ní féidir le daoine clúdaigh donna a fháil mar a dhein siad roimhe seo. Tá siad ag casadh an chóras ar bealach eile, áfach, chun a dhéanamh cinnte de go bhfuil na rachmasóirí is fearr leo, nó an lucht forbairt is fearr leo, in ann an méid airgid is mó a dhéanamh as talamh na hÉireann chomh tapaidh agus is féidir leo. Is é sin an fáth go bhfuil deifir ar an mBille seo.

Ní thaitníonn cinnithe an phobail leis an Rialtas. Buaitear ar an Rialtas i gcás nó dhó anois is arís. Is fíor-annamh go mbuann an pobal i gcásanna pleanála. Ní gá go bhfuil an pobal mícheart, áfach. Ba chóir don Rialtas glacadh leis gur minic a bhíonn an pobail i gceart — níos minicí ná mar a bhíonn an Rialtas i gceart. Má tá an Rialtas daonlathach, ba chóir leis seasamh leis an bpobal agus déanamh cinnte de go bhfuil sé ag glacadh leis an aidhm atá aige.

Aontaím le roinnt daoine eile a labhair faoi na NIMBYs. Ní aontaím i gcónaí le NIMBYs, ach tá go leor dóibh sa Rialtas. Ní gá ach díriú isteach ar na hAirí, na Teachtaí McDowell agus Roche, i leith an incinerator. Ní aontaím le incinerators, thermal power stations, thermal treatment plants nó pé rud a glaofar orthu. Ní chóir go mbeimid á thógáil, ach má tá siad maith go leor do cheantar amháin, ba chóir go mbeidís maith go leor do gach cheantar i shlí amháin. Tá go leor NIMBYs ann. Tá an ceart ag na NIMBYs sa chás sin. Deirim "not in my backyard and not in my country" ó thaobh incinerators nó thermal waste management de.

Tá mé go huile is go hiomlán i gcoinne an Bhille seo. In ionad ár am a chaitheamh ag déileáil lena leithéidí seo, ba chóir go mbeadh infheistíocht níos mó ann chun níos mó deontas a thabhairt dóibh siúd atá sásta cur leis an timpeallacht agus cur le húsáid chumhacht athnuacha — a leithéidí solar power agus mar sin de.

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