Bertie Ahern (Dublin Central, Fianna Fail)

The assembly has been back in session since 15 May. The British Prime Minister, Mr. Blair, and I will meet the parties later this month. It would be disappointing if, by that stage, the parties had not moved beyond procedural wrangling and trench warfare. They have responsibilities which they must discharge. Yesterday's agreement, finally, on arrangements for chairing the preparation for Government committee is welcome, although I am conscious of the time already lost and the issues concerning how much work will be done.

The committee must get down to serious discussions immediately and there must be a clear realisation that the Governments are firm about the deadline of 24 November. That is a legislative deadline passed by the House of Commons. It is not just a date in the calendar and any party that believes the deadline is moveable is making a serious error of judgment. It is increasingly clear that the patience of the Northern Ireland electorate is being tested. The overwhelming sense is that people want the politicians to get on with bringing devolution back, and that is what we want them to do as well, without waiting for some other structure or resolution.

I do not agree with the first of the Deputy's comments but I agree with what he said about sectarian divisions, which are always unhelpful and create bitterness, tragedy and difficulties. The basis of the Good Friday Agreement is cross-community support. In a society like Northern Ireland that has been divided for generations, the only way to make progress and for everyone to deal with their agendas and issues is on a cross-community basis. That is why the Executive and Assembly are structured in the way they are. It is not a resolution by Prime Minister Blair and me, it is an agreement between the parties in Northern Ireland supported by people North and South in a democratic referendum. It has the strength of the people. We now require the parties to implement it and if they moved forward with devolution in place, we would have fewer difficulties.

I have said many times on sectarianism that so much of what happens in Northern Ireland is fomented in one form or another around sectarian division, whether it is marches, causes or issues. It is an ongoing problem, how people are forced to move from certain areas, how people are pressed into sectarian areas and how those territories are marked out. All these create difficulties but there is no simple resolution to them. If there was, it would have been found long ago. It is a democracy, people have a right to vote and they vote for parties that they support.

I welcome Reg Empey's acknowledgement in the context of the David Ervine controversy of the responsibilities of Unionist parties to bring loyalist violence to an end. That was useful. Reg Empey's frank and courageous assertion that loyalists have been used by Unionist leaders is a welcome acknowledgement that the past is not as clear-cut as some might suggest. It is refreshing and healthy to hear Reg Empey's focus on the responsibility that Unionist politicians bear for encouraging groups like the Third Force and Ulster Resistance. It is a signal of recognition of the difficulties of the past.

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