Bertie Ahern (Dublin Central, Fianna Fail)

I propose to take Questions Nos. 1 to 20, inclusive, together.

I met Prime Minister Blair on the margins of the EU summit in Brussels on 24 March. At that meeting, we discussed our plans for the restoration of the Assembly and the Executive, which we announced on 6 April. The Minister for Foreign Affairs and I met the leaders of Sinn Féin, the SDLP and the Alliance Party on 30 March. These meetings were part of a wider range of contacts by the two Governments in advance of our joint statement in Armagh.

When we met in Armagh on 6 April, Prime Minister Blair and I announced our intention to recall the Assembly on 15 May. The primary responsibility of the Assembly will be to elect a First Minister and Deputy First Minister and to allocate ministerial posts under the d'Hondt formula and to make other preparations for government in Northern Ireland. If, despite best efforts, the Assembly is not able to elect a First Minister and Deputy First Minister on a cross-community basis within the normal six week period, we have said that we are prepared to allow a further period of 12 weeks after the summer recess in which to form an Executive.

The restored Assembly will, however, be required to form an Executive by 24 November. If an Executive cannot be successfully formed by that date, there will be no choice but to cancel the salaries and allowances of the MLAs and to defer restoration of the Assembly and Executive until there is a clear political willingness to exercise devolved power.

The two Governments are working for a successful outcome to our initiative. We are giving Northern Ireland's politicians space and reasonable time to reach agreement. For our part, Prime Minister Blair and I will devote ourselves in every way possible in these coming months to help them achieve this.

While we will continue to work for success, we know that we must also address what we would have to do in the event that an Executive is not formed by 24 November. We are agreed that this would have immediate implications for our joint stewardship of the process. Our joint statement stated that we are beginning detailed work on British-Irish partnership arrangements that will be necessary in these circumstances. We have made it very clear that we will together actively develop the agreement across its structures and functions.

The British Government last week published emergency legislation to facilitate the restoration of the Assembly and the election of an Executive. The parties must now engage if this initiative is to be successful. Their response following the announcement in Armagh has been measured and it is the hope of the two Governments that this initial reaction will provide a solid foundation for real progress after 15 May. Every party has a role to play but there is a particular onus on the DUP and Sinn Féin. They will take their seats in the Assembly for the first time as the largest parties representing their respective communities. I hope that we will at an early stage see the opening of productive dialogue between them and with the other parties.

Everyone in Northern Ireland is aware of the dangers of a political vacuum. We want to see the politicians who are elected by the people carry out their democratic mandate and make decisions for the people. The two Governments are united in our conviction that the devolved government of the Good Friday Agreement is what will best allow Northern Ireland to move on and to prosper. The opportunity to restore devolved government in Northern Ireland may not arise again for some time if it is not seized this year.

Earlier this morning, the two Governments published the tenth report of the Independent Monitoring Commission. This is the most positive IMC report to date and I welcome it. It is the IMC's view that the IRA leadership has committed itself to following a peaceful path and has expended considerable effort to refocus the movement in support of its objective. The IMC says it is not aware of current terrorist, paramilitary or violent activity sanctioned by the IRA leadership. It says the leadership continues to seek to stop criminal activity by its members and to prevent them from engaging in it. It also states that it is not aware of any intelligence-related activity that is outside the aims of the statement of July last year. Its overall assessment on the Provisional IRA is positive.

This report from the IMC comes at a crucial time. It is an encouraging boost to the process. I hope the developments outlined in the report will help to create a constructive climate and add momentum to the initiative of restoring devolved government in Northern Ireland this year. While there is an inevitable focus on the Provisional IRA, the IMC also reports on the activities of loyalist paramilitaries and is a timely reminder of the ongoing threat posed by dissident republican groups.

My discussions with President Bush on St. Patrick's Day focused on Northern Ireland, immigration reform and a range of relevant international issues. I have no plans to meet the President. I expect to meet the US Special Envoy, Mitchell Reiss, in the coming weeks. I very much welcome the firm support of the President and his Administration for our ongoing efforts.

I have not yet had an opportunity to discuss the privatisation of the Sellafield nuclear reprocessing plant with Prime Minister Blair. I next expect to meet the Prime Minister during the EU Latin America Caribbean summit in Vienna on 11 and 12 May.

In light of the various views I have received, I hope to be in touch in the coming period with party leaders in the House with revised proposals in regard to participation, on a cross-community basis, by Northern MPs in an Oireachtas committee on the implementation of the Good Friday Agreement and North-South relations.

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