Pat Carey (Dublin North West, Fianna Fail)

I welcome the opportunity to speak on this Bill. While there has been considerable criticism of Ireland's policy for dealing with immigrants, we are beginning to introduce policies in a reasonably coherent fashion. The Employment Permits Bill represents another stage in bringing coherence to the issue of work permits and the integration of new communities into society. Given that the legislation is being discussed during Irish anti-racism in the workplace week and during the second week of riots in France by youths of immigrant origin, it is timely to talk about immigration and work permits. While we are discouraged from mixing the two matters, whether we like it or not a certain link exists. These events, together with events in Skerries in recent days, represent a sobering reminder of what can go wrong if sound policies, both social and economic, are not pursued to integrate immigrants and to ensure that they do not suffer from economic exclusion and social deprivation.

While I want to speak on the specifics of the Bill before us, I also take the opportunity to speak on a number if issues surrounding migrant workers and their families. Everyone agrees that migrant workers have contributed immensely to our economy in recent years. Most economists predict that with projected growth rates of between 4% and 5% in coming years we will continue to need more migrant workers to sustain our economy. We need to look at migrant workers as being equal in every sense to the workers that come from our indigenous community in terms of rights, pay rates and conditions of work.

One of the most serious problems for migrant workers is their inability to obtain permission to bring their immediate families to live with them. They are repeatedly asked to prove they are economically capable of looking after their families. Through sheer hard work some have saved up to €20,000 but are still told they do not satisfy the criteria and will not get permission to bring their families to live with them. I have heard of many such cases in my constituency and I am dealing with a number of them at present. Trying to bring their families here has been a nightmare for some heads of households. They needed to apply many times before being successful. No criteria are defined as to the amount of money required to be on deposit and the granting of permission seems to be totally at the whim of an official. I regard the provisions in the Bill in this respect as extremely positive.

Family reunification is extremely important. It is good for Irish society and extremely good for the family. It is imperative for children to live with both parents. If time allows me I will later outline an issue that came to my attention recently. While it relates more to refugees rather than migrant workers, I may outline what I have in mind.

The present situation does not make sense. Allowing good hard-working people to have their families with them would be of benefit to the country. It would add to the stability of the workers' lives and help them to integrate more into society, something at which they are good. I was at an event in my constituency last night commemorating people who had passed away in the past year. Many of the new Irish community attended, as they wanted to be part of the celebration given that they come from a similar religious background.

We must accept that if we allow migrant workers into the country for our own selfish reasons purely to sustain and expand our economy, we must also extend to them the most basic human rights. They must have the right to move from employer to employer and above all the right to live with their families. This time last year concern was expressed that workers from the new accession countries would flood this community. They have come here in great numbers and are extremely welcome. They have come from particular countries to work in different areas. The Polish workers are almost synonymous with the construction industry and workers from Latvia, Estonia and Lithuania would be more associated with the horticultural industry. They make a huge contribution. There is no point in pretending that a large influx of new workers into any area does not pose problems. The problems range from housing and school provision to policing and must be looked at in the wider context of overall policy.

The Minister is producing a guide to rights in eight or ten languages, which gives a clear indication of the countries of origin of the majority of migrant workers. I call on him to also consider a review of our embassy structures in those countries. Facilities should be put in place in each embassy to vet and issue visas and to issue holiday visas to extended families and friends of migrant workers living here. Controls are necessary, but if we had a visa processing facility in the country of origin, it would ensure that only families and friends would be able to visit and enjoy their time here. I suggest that if some of these controls had been in place this time last year, the exploitation of the Gama workers in my constituency would not have happened to the extent it did. With proper documentation obtained from Irish Embassies in the country of origin, there should be no confusion for people arriving on this island. They should receive the traditional Irish céad míle fáilte, not an interrogation at the point of arrival.

When we invite workers into this country, we must accept that many families will remain, just as the Irish did in the US, England and Australia. While they will be proud of their ethnic background, I hope they will become involved in our culture and sports and that just as the Irish integrated into society in England and the United States, migrant workers and their families will become part and parcel of our society. If we can reciprocate the kind of welcome that was, by and large, accorded to Irish emigrants to the US, Canada and different parts of the United Kingdom, we will find it a rewarding experience.

In passing, I was heartened to see our Minister for Foreign Affairs work so hard in America over the past number of weeks on the issue of the undocumented Irish. Two weeks ago, wearing my hat as Chairman of the British Irish Inter-Parliamentary Body, I was in London to meet the federation of Irish societies and examine some of the issues pertinent to Irish emigrants living in Britain, some for a long time. The issues for them are quite different to the issues for new arrivals in this country. Nevertheless, issues for them, such as repatriation, entitlement to housing here, wider availability of social welfare provision etc. need to be resolved.

I am sure the Bill will help to achieve balance. It is only natural for Irish workers to feel some insecurity when they see action such as that taken by Irish Ferries. They know that in recent years unscrupulous employers exploited migrant workers and forced a situation that if left unchecked would eventually lead to a downward trend in general wages in the country. The Government and all parties are doing their best to ensure we avoid this race to the bottom. The Irish Ferries issue highlights this more starkly than most. In this regard, the Bill is essential. Not only must it protect the rights of migrant workers, it must also instil confidence in Irish people that the immigration process is being controlled in a way that will benefit the economy and not undermine the job prospects of Irish people.

I mention in passing the appalling treatment and abandonment of the periwinkle workers on the island off Skerries. The perpetrators, boat owners and everybody else associated with that must be brought to book quickly. There are 24 different agencies dealing with this area, but if no agency has ultimate responsibility, the attitude of pass the parcel will apply. The welfare of such workers must be paramount, whether they are periwinkle or construction workers. Thankfully, because of trade union campaigns construction workers are treated much better now than they were this time last year. I saw some of the accommodation conditions provided for the Gama workers in Ballymun and they were quite harrowing. They were similar to what Irish workers were dealt in the 1950s and 1960s where they had to live in the equivalent of Nissen huts. This legislation will put a stop to all of that.

The Bill will be useless if it is not enforced properly. We must have inspectors to ensure the rights of immigrant workers and to track down and prosecute unscrupulous employers. We should consider recruiting some inspectors from the immigrant community, many of whom have the language and education skills required. There is a perception abroad that immigrants are illiterate and uneducated; they are anything but. I have met some highly skilled and articulate immigrants who are forced to work in situations where their talents are not exploited to the full. Just as the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform has suggested recruiting gardaí from ethnic minorities, we should recruit buildings and workplace inspectors the same way.

There must be constant monitoring by the Department to ensure that quotas are kept at a level in each sector that guarantees the continued expansion of the economy without infringing on the job prospects of indigenous Irish people. This is where problems will arise. There is a perception that we will never get anything right in the area of immigration or refugee policy. However, if we pursue the current policy, the exploitation of workers will not arise to the extent people fear.

The Irish economy needs migrant workers to survive and grow. When the suggestion was made to drop the groceries order, I heard comments that many small shopkeepers now use migrant workers and just pay the minimum wage or a little above it. It is not helpful to associate any industry, whether the retail or any other, with low pay or with particular communities. The success we will have as a community will be if we manage to integrate workers well with our indigenous community. If we ever wanted a lesson in what not to do, we should watch current reports on television covering the rioting throughout France, which I thought had some of the most enlightened social and economic policies of any country. If we go down the road of forced integration, we will have great difficulties.

While it might be of more concern to the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform, an issue was brought to my attention recently that is important. It appears that a cohort of people, approximately 400 males whose spouses were here under the parents of an Irish born child rule, have come here since 30 March this year. I have mentioned to some of the agencies dealing with these people that I have come across cases of husbands being made to live under direct provision in a hostel on the south side of this city, while their wives and children live in private accommodation in respect of which rent supplement is paid. If they are to preserve a semblance of family unity, the husbands to whom I have spoken need to leave the hostel very early in the morning — between 6.30 a.m. and 7 a.m. — so that they can accompany their wives and children in travelling to school together as a family. They engage in this charade so that their children think their parents live together in the apartment.

The husbands in question have to sign on at the centre with which we are all familiar before 9.45 a.m. They can return to be with their wives for the rest of they day, but they have to be back in the hostel by 9 p.m. That is no way to deal with people. While I accept that this matter relates to immigration and refugee policy more than it relates to employment policy, I decided to take this opportunity to speak about it nonetheless.

I welcome the Employment Permits Bill 2005, which will add to the body of legislation in this area. It will be good for the Irish economy and it will assist new immigrant workers. Like much of our employment legislation, it will stand the test of time. I hope it will be used as a model of best practice in other countries in the EU and beyond.

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