Tom Kitt (Dublin South, Fianna Fail)

I welcome the opportunity to restate the reasons for the Government's amended motion. As my colleagues have stated, the Government's approach to this question is that which is set out in the Good Friday Agreement, no more and no less. That approach, which enshrines the principle of unity by consent, has a powerful endorsement from all communities on both parts of the island. It is an approach built, first and foremost, on rebuilding trust and confidence in the political process and on re-establishing the institutions of devolved government. We should all deplore the fact that trust and confidence were allowed to break down in the first place but this is not the time to revisit these issues and we must begin from where we are.

The Government amendment puts trust and confidence firmly at the centre of its approach. This is vitally important and it is a great deficiency in the Sinn Féin motion as originally tabled. The Government amendment acknowledges the importance of restoring devolved government on an inclusive basis. This is truly the great challenge in the coming months, to restore confidence and rebuild the political momentum needed to bring back a devolved government working in the best interests of both communities. Working with the political parties, both Governments will be making every effort to ensure that all the institutions are restored at the earliest possible date. We recognise that devolved Government, established on a partnership basis, and working within the framework established by the Good Friday Agreement, is in the best interests of all the people of Northern Ireland and in the interest of peace and stability on this island as a whole. It would be strange if the House were to overlook that crucial fact.

Many preceding speakers have addressed the issue of unity. With all members of the party I represent in government, I am firmly committed to creating a climate on this island in which unity can become a reality. No single party in the House can claim to be sole standard bearers for a united Ireland. In the case of my party, we have pursued the cause of unity since our foundation through exclusively peaceful means and have led where others, at last, have thankfully followed.

In the debate last night, Deputy Sargent stated the Sinn Féin motion put "the cart before the horse" on this issue. I fully agree with him and, therefore, urge his party to lend its support to the Government's amended motion. I also welcome support for the amendment from Deputies Jim O'Keeffe and Rabbitte.

In addressing this vital issue, the House cannot and should not overlook other realities. The motion adopted by the House must acknowledge the fundamental requirement that all paramilitary and criminal activities be brought clearly to an end. In that context, it must address the need for all parties to co-operate with the Independent Monitoring Commission. It must address sectarianism, condemning it wherever and whenever it occurs. It must acknowledge the need to strengthen policing reforms through full participation on the policing board. The greatest risk to the tremendous progress made is that it could be endangered by those who refuse to put their support behind policing.

The motion must also acknowledge the need to push resolutely ahead with the development of an all-island economy with benefits for all. The Taoiseach this week announced a transport plan which can transform infrastructure on the whole island if both its parts pool their thinking, planning and resources to ensure the potential of this opportunity is maximised. It must acknowledge the need to reach out to all communities to ensure none is left behind. As we speak, the Taoiseach is in Belfast reaching out to both communities.

The motion must also acknowledge the role of the United States and the European Union. As Deputies will be aware, the Minister for Foreign Affairs, Deputy Cowen, is in the United States today.

The Government amendment addresses each of these needs. It is a full and accurate reflection of the path set out in the Good Friday Agreement. Padraig Pearse spoke of a "noble" republic. His dream and the dream of Robert Emmet, Wolfe Tone and others is our dream too. There can be no more noble aspiration than that of an agreed Ireland, a country united in hearts and minds and not only territory, and in which subjugation and superiority, threat and torture hold no part of the developing political landscape. We could do worse than to reflect Pearse's dream of a free Ireland. Would he not be proud of the achievements, particularly of the past ten years or so, when, through the absence of violence and violent conflict, gains have been made which hardly seemed imaginable 20 years ago and could never have been made down the barrel of a gun? Would he not also be proud of how we, collectively in this part of the island, have toiled endlessly to enable this great nation to blossom economically and socially and gain such respect internationally for doing so?

While this part of Ireland has had the opportunity and freedom to blossom and grow, conflict, mistrust and polarisation of society has meant Northern Ireland has not had this same opportunity or freedom to develop. This economic and social entrapment can now be finally ended as a result of the political developments of recent years and we, on this part of the island, should grasp this opportunity and strive to work more closely with those in Northern Ireland to ensure it prospers and develops, bringing benefits to all its people.

On the issue of participation in the Oireachtas by elected representatives from Northern Ireland, the Taoiseach has done exactly what he consistently indicated he would do. In line with the report of the all-party committee of March 2002 and the motion adopted by the House in May 2003, he has sought the views of all parties and made clear that this matter will, properly, be for the Dáil rather than the Government to determine.

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