Bertie Ahern (Dublin Central, Fianna Fail)

The recommendations of the IMC report are as Deputy Kenny stated. The report states that a number of the paramilitary groups are, as I said previously in the House, continuing to recruit and train people in the use of firearms, explosives, intelligence gathering and becoming involved in criminal activity. There is no evidence of paramilitary groups ceasing their activities. All those issues are factual.

For the most part, the downward trend in criminal activity and crime has continued, with the number of paramilitary murders more or less the same as in previous periods. Loyalist groups remain responsible for most of the violence, but there are also some worrying issues about ex-prisoners being involved in either paramilitary activity or criminal activity. All these issues are mentioned in the report. However, they must be set against the general overall position. There is an attitude of getting on with life in most parts of Northern Ireland, but we have still not reached the position we want to reach.

On the Deputy's second question about the genuineness of Gerry Adams's call, the position is, as I stated previously, that we believe the statement he made is significant and has potential but we need to see what the IRA does on foot of it. The best information I have is that a live debate is happening within the IRA which, in itself, is important. I hope that debate will be fruitful. When the Government met Sinn Féin at the beginning of the year we made it clear we needed to reflect on the key issues which had to be addressed by the republican movement if the peace process was to be put back on course. Nothing has really changed since then. That is still the position. Mr. Adams said the republican movement has reached a defining moment.

For so many years, we have had many false dawns and dashed hopes in that regard and the last few months have crystallised the challenges which must be addressed. The crisis of trust and confidence is profound and will not be easily repaired. Only complete transformation of the situation will generate the energy needed to move beyond the current stalemate and realise the full potential of the Good Friday Agreement. Fudge and ambiguity will simply not work. It must be clear they are taking decisive steps to move on. We can only come to a judgment on that when we see it because, quite frankly, much damage has been done. Once it is clear the issue of IRA paramilitary capability and activity has been decisively dealt with, then we can try to get on with attempting to re-establish the political institutions under the Good Friday Agreement and embrace the principles and practices of partnership. I cannot make that judgment until I see the response. If it is clear and unambiguous, we will see where we go from there.

In regard to Dr. Paisley's comment, the situation is quite clear. The entire focus must be on our efforts to re-establish the Executive and on the full implementation of the Good Friday Agreement. There is no viable alternative, which I think everyone knows. There is no question of starting again from the beginning. If we can get decisive clarity on the question of the IRA, we must restore the institutional arrangements at the heart of the Agreement. It is not a question of preferring one model over another. Anything less than the inclusive arrangements set down in the Agreement would simply not work. The only way to get devolved institutions in Northern Ireland, which would be capable of working, is if it is done on a cross-community basis. That is what is enshrined in the Good Friday Agreement. There is no other mechanism to do that. We are all clear about that.

As I have said outside the House, the result of the Assembly elections in November 2003 changed the basis of progress in Northern Ireland on the grounds of the political strength of parties with an increased mandate for the DUP and Sinn Féin. Following that election, the parties, particularly the DUP, said they wanted to trigger the review, which they were entitled to do and which I supported. We spent most of last year working on that review. The political aspects of the review were accepted in the discussions which ended with the presentation by both Governments of the document of 8 December. The political aspects of it were accepted by the DUP, Sinn Féin and other parties. Some parties had differences on some points, but the DUP and Sinn Féin agreed with it. The change in the position from then to now does not make any sense to me.

As was re-emphasised last week at the British-Irish Council by the Deputy Prime Minister, Mr. Prescott, both Governments are working on the basis of the Good Friday Agreement. I think that was certainly the view of all the other political parties.

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