Noel Treacy (Galway East, Fianna Fail)

As both Governments have made clear, the current difficulties in the peace process have been immeasurably complicated and deepened by the robbery of the Northern Bank. Continuing paramilitary activity and criminality is rightly the focus of our efforts to remedy the current difficulties. Removing the impasse and securing the establishment of the institutions of devolved government in Northern Ireland, as set out in the Agreement, on a stable and durable foundation must remain our overriding objective.

The Good Friday Agreement is an expression of the democratic will as expressed on this island, North and South, in May 1998. As has been made clear by the Taoiseach in the course of this debate, the agenda set out in the Agreement and endorsed by the people is a comprehensive one, addressing all aspects of the problem of Northern Ireland. As well as resolving the problem of the residual paramilitarism of today, we also need to focus on dealing with the legacy of the violence of the past. The Good Friday Agreement set out the principle, that it is essential to acknowledge and address the suffering of the victims of violence, as a necessary element of reconciliation.

Victims have a right to be remembered and to contribute to the debate about the transition to a normal peaceful democratic society. It is important for all of us to remember that behind the statistics of the Northern Ireland conflict lie vivid and painful events, which have personal repercussions for victims, their families and friends and for the communities they come from. It may sometimes seem that the most positive thing to do is move on and focus on the future, but that is often exceptionally difficult for those for whom a sense of loss, anger and confusion persists. Their stories have been chronicled in a deeply impressive and moving book, Lost Lives: The Stories of the Men, Women and Children Who Died Through the Northern Ireland Troubles, which has become an important testimonial and act of remembrance for many victims.

If one reads at random some of the cases outlined in the book, one is reminded of what life in Northern Ireland was like before the ceasefires of 1994. It was a recurring nightmare of violence and retaliation visited on the innocent. Many lives and families were wrecked by death and injury. The details of many, if not most, of the cases have long passed from the public consciousness, but some cases continue to generate headlines many years later. How we collectively respond is at the heart of the matter. The need to understand what occurred and to acknowledge and address it is a common theme in the long-running debate about how to address the legacy of a violent past.

The possibility of establishing a truth and reconciliation body has been discussed at length. No firm conclusions can be drawn at this stage about what such a body might entail. We do not know whether such a model can be applied successfully to the circumstances of Northern Ireland. Any process or approach that is chosen must have the full support of the victims and their relatives. One of the problems intrinsic to Northern Ireland is that there is no shared or agreed view of what happened and the reasons for such acts. Views of the past remain deeply divided and it is unlikely that consensus would emerge, if it were sought, on the causes of the conflict.

One of the core purposes of the Good Friday Agreement was to offer equality of treatment and identity to both sides, thereby removing the insecurity of both communities that helped to generate the conflict in Northern Ireland. That principle must be adhered to during any process of dealing with the past. I understand that the UK select committee on Northern Ireland affairs is working in this area. It is listening to submissions from groups from both communities and focussing on methods that have been used to bring closure to other conflicts that could assist the process of healing in Northern Ireland. The Government looks forward to reading the committee's recommendations and commenting on them in due course. Any such process will require the support and endorsement of victims' groups as a first principle.

Over 2,000 cases of murder during the conflict, including the deaths of security force personnel, have not yet been solved. The Secretary of State for Northern Ireland has consulted the chief constable of the PSNI, Hugh Orde, on how the work of the PSNI's serious crimes review unit can be expanded to deal with a greater number of the unsolved murders. That is just one element of the overall debate on how to deal with the past in a way that allows people to move forward.

It is right that the Government and all the parties should dedicate themselves to ensuring that there are no more victims of paramilitarism now or in the future. Equally, it is vital to recall and remember the victims of past violence and to ensure that we learn about their experiences. That process is necessary to ensure that such experiences are not repeated or inflicted on future generations. I fully support and endorse the motion.

See this speech in context