Tom Kitt (Dublin South, Fianna Fail)

I welcome the opportunity to speak during this debate. I am pleased we have been able to follow common ground on the motion, following our discussions with Fine Gael. I hope the Labour Party and the Green Party will support it.

When talking about the Good Friday Agreement, one often needs to reach for the well-worn line of pointing out how far we have come. Like all such lines, it contains a deeper truth so it cannot be any harm to repeat it every so often. We have indeed come a long way in our relations on this island and with our nearest neighbour since the Good Friday Agreement was signed and democratically endorsed by the people of this island in 1998.

The principles of consent, partnership, equality, mutual respect and exclusively peaceful means, which are set out in the Good Friday Agreement and in the Mitchell principles, are the defining characteristics which govern our relationships. A new framework for co-operation on this island has been developed, based on that political and constitutional accommodation, which recognises the political and practical realities involved. The Agreement's North-South dimension has put a focus on the practical and tangible benefits for both parts of the island. The mutual benefit test is essential for all North-South co-operative endeavour under the Agreement.

As the Taoiseach indicated, the maintenance and development of existing North-South arrangements is a major priority for the Government. A practical and tangible expression of the nexus of co-operation is found in the tourism sector. A limited company, Tourism Ireland, was established under the Good Friday Agreement to promote and market the island of Ireland abroad as a single tourist destination. I do not need to tell Deputies how important the tourism industry is to our island. It is a vital component of our economic success of recent years. It has contributed to the positive transformation of communities and regions on both sides of the Border.

The establishment of Tourism Ireland underlined the Government's firm commitment to, and belief in, the potential for North-South co-operation. The mutual benefits which accrue from such co-operation make economic and financial sense. Tourism Ireland's work has encouraged growing numbers of people to visit our island. Its latest estimate suggests that the number of tourists visiting the island grew last year by 4.5%. The relevant number is even higher for Northern Ireland, which saw an increase of approximately 13% in tourist numbers last year.

The benefits of the Good Friday Agreement are most clearly seen in the area of policing, which has long been regarded as a vexed question. Policing was a deeply problematic issue when we started the negotiations that led to the Good Friday Agreement. The challenge we faced was to reconcile the views of one side, which felt that no change was desirable, with those of the other side, which wanted the RUC to be disbanded and replaced. The Agreement provided a framework for successfully tackling this thorny problem. It provided clear and precise terms of reference for an international commission to provide a way forward.

The recommendations of the Patten commission, which engaged in deep research and wide consultation, were powerful and compelling. The Government fought successfully to ensure that the resulting British legislation and the implementation plans adhered to the Patten report. Under the effective leadership of Des Rea and Denis Bradley, the policing board has done magnificent work in advancing the agenda of change proposed in the Patten report. That work involved dealing with the police symbol, for example, or shaping the human resources strategy of the PSNI.

Significant progress has been made across a range of issues as a result of this leadership and the exceptional input made by the SDLP and other committed board members. Progress has been made in the composition of the PSNI, the decline in the use of plastic bullets, the normalisation of the police profile and engagement with local communities through the district policing partnerships. I am confident that this change will continue and that, under the effective and able leadership of its chief constable, Hugh Orde, the PSNI will continue to evolve towards the model of a community policing service envisaged in the Patten report.

The Taoiseach indicated that the full realisation of the new beginning to policing in Northern Ireland will not be complete until the PSNI and the new structures enjoy the support and participation of the republican community. Similarly, the definitive ending of paramilitary activity cannot be sustained until the policing project has been completed. Closing the circle on policing is, therefore, an indispensable part of securing stability and normality in Northern Ireland.

The principle of inclusivity, which is outlined in the Agreement, is vital for the achievement of an outcome that is stable and capable of accommodating the various shades of political opinion in Northern Ireland. The Government and other parties in this House have made great strides towards achieving a respectful and mutually beneficial dialogue with unionism, particularly with the DUP over the past year. There is a growing recognition of the importance of inclusivity across the political spectrum in Northern Ireland.

I concur with the assessment of Senator Mansergh, who wrote last Saturday that the fundamental cause of the present crisis is that the republican movement's twin-track approach has run out of road. I fully support the Taoiseach's view that there is no prospect of restoring inclusive government in Northern Ireland unless the destabilising issues of IRA paramilitary and criminal activity are addressed and resolved. That may be an unwelcome and uncomfortable reality for some people to accept, but its denial compounds the present difficulties and prolongs the period of impasse. I am conscious that the prospect of restoring inclusive government in Northern Ireland depends equally on the willingness of Unionists to embrace the principle and practice of partnership in the operation of the institutions of the Agreement. Very encouraging progress was made during 2004 in bringing the DUP to accept the principle of government characterised by inclusiveness and partnership. The two Governments' proposals for a comprehensive agreement, published on 8 December and accepted by the DUP, essentially committed that party to working the institutions of the Agreement. Despite recent setbacks, it is encouraging that the DUP has not resiled from the broad thrust of the comprehensive agreement. I acknowledge that, despite this movement on the part of the DUP, there is still some scepticism within the broad Nationalist community as to whether all sections of that party are fully signed up to power-sharing and partnership. In this regard, it points, understandably, to the weakness of power-sharing in district councils in Northern Ireland controlled by the DUP. Whatever the merit of this view, continuing IRA paramilitarism and criminality provide political cover to those who might be averse to inclusivity and partnership. Once these destabilising elements are removed from the equation, those who are resistant to power-sharing and positive change will be fully exposed to the pressure of public opinion and the insistence of both Governments, the US Administration and others that the principles of partnership at the heart of the Agreement be accepted and respected.

Although electoral campaigns are likely to dominate the airwaves in Northern Ireland over the coming months, I hope the parties will take the time to listen to one another respectfully and to try to maintain operational channels of communication during that period.

During the talks that took place as part of the review of the Agreement, which took place last year, I had the opportunity to discuss with all the parties issues such as North-South co-operation and east-west links within the British-Irish Council and to consider ways in which the parties' operation could be improved. The atmosphere of calm and mutual respect in which the review took place impressed me. Although it might seem over-optimistic in light of the polemics of recent weeks, I feel it would profit us all to return to "the methodology and language of patient and constructive dialogue", to use the words of Archbishop Brady.

The peace process and the implementation of the Good Friday Agreement carry with them obligations and we would all do well to reflect on what we can do to facilitate the end to paramilitarism and criminality, which is necessary for us to move forward politically. In that spirit, I commend the motion to the House.

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