Dáil debates

Thursday, 13 May 2004

Maritime Security Bill 2004 [Seanad]: Second Stage.

 

1:00 pm

Photo of Dinny McGinleyDinny McGinley (Donegal South West, Fine Gael)

I thank my colleague, Deputy Kehoe, for giving me some of his time. I support the stand he and our party are taking on the Bill and hope it will be implemented as soon as possible. We have all come to realise in recent times that the world is a much more dangerous place than heretofore acknowledged. The tragedy of 11 September 2001, what happened nearer at hand in Madrid a number of weeks ago and what is happening in other parts of the world mean that nowhere is safe. Given that we are an island nation on the periphery of Europe, this Bill on maritime security is relevant to our needs and important for the safety of our citizens. For that reason I and my party welcome it.

We are exposed because we are seen, whether we like it or not, as part of the western alliance, no part of which is safe. We are aware of the efforts made last week when the EU Heads of State were here. I do not know how high Ireland is on the list of targets, but it is probably on it. The Government has a responsibility to provide all the possible levels of security. I am afraid that the security we can provide at present is not up to scratch and not sufficiently comprehensive. Ireland is not as secure as it should be or as its citizens expect it to be.

I asked the Taoiseach yesterday if we would have the capacity to defend our airspace and the waters around this country if we faced an attack similar to that in New York on 11 September 2001. He admitted that there are shortcomings. We all have to bear responsibility in that regard, but the Government and its predecessor have to bear a large proportion of it. If we were under attack from the air, for example from an unidentified aircraft approaching this country, we would not have the wherewithal to divert it or to force it to land. We would have to go cap in hand to our neighbours, probably the UK or our European partners, to seek the necessary assistance. I hope that other measures will be introduced to improve the situation in respect of air cover.

As an island nation, Ireland has to protect a huge coastline. I pay tribute to those who work for the Naval Service, just as I compliment those employed by the Air Corps. Some of our services leave much to be desired, however. I understand that all our naval vessels cannot be sent to sea at the same time because the Naval Service is understrength at present. We do not have enough staff to crew the vessels. This matter needs to be examined.

The Air Corps has provided search and rescue facilities around our coast for many years. I cannot understand why the Minister, Deputy Dermot Ahern, has decided to remove this responsibility from the Air Corps, which has undertaken it successfully for 30 or 40 years. I come from a coastal area, just like the Minister of State, Deputy Browne, and my colleague, Deputy Kehoe. The Labour Party spokesman, Deputy Broughan, is from a fine coastal area in north County Dublin. I was there this morning for few hours.

All Deputies who are familiar with the contribution that has been made by the Air Corps over the years have learned that responsibility for search and rescue services and certain security details has been taken from the Air Corps. The reason for the Government's decision to hand the contract to a private Canadian company is quite flimsy. It has dealt a blow to the morale of the brave men and women of the Air Corps, who provided search and rescue services and undertook many flights of mercy to islands, including Tory, Arranmore and others in my constituency. The Air Corps workers were always willing to risk their lives in the service of island and coastal communities when medical emergencies took place or when the islanders were cut off for a period of time due to inclement weather and high seas. I regret that the Government has removed such functions from the Air Corps. The decision has not helped the morale of the brave men and women who have provided such services for many years.

The Maritime Security Bill 2004 is designed to give effect to the 1998 UN Convention for the Suppression of Unlawful Acts against the Safety of Maritime Navigation and the 1998 Protocol to the Convention for the Suppression of Unlawful Acts against the Safety of Fixed Platforms Located on the Continental Shelf. The convention and the protocol are among a number of instruments that the UN is calling on all member states to implement as soon as possible. The instruments are designed to counter the threat and practice of terrorism. The legislation is to be welcomed, as I have already said, because it creates specific offences against the safety of Irish ships and other ships in Irish waters. We are responsible for Irish ships and other ships that may use Irish waters.

It has taken six years for the instruments to be brought to the House. I am concerned by the delay in devising and bringing to the House the legislative response to the UN conventions and protocols. It is clear that matters relating to the prevention of terrorism must be prioritised and that all legislative options open to us must be acted upon. The new realities of global security in the 21st century mean that we cannot stand aside. I condemn the Government's failure to prioritise legislation that relates to the fight against terrorism.

The delay in bringing forward legislation relates not only to UN conventions and protocols, but also to domestic Bills that languish on the shelf after publication. The Taoiseach's call in the wake of the recent terrorist atrocity in Madrid for united EU action to stop terror rang hollow, given that the Government's Criminal Justice (Terrorist Offences) Bill has not yet been acted on. The Bill was welcomed by Fine Gael when it was published in December 2002. It seeks to implement an EU framework decision on combating terrorism, an international convention on the taking of hostages, a convention on the prevention and punishment of crimes, an international convention on the suppression of terrorist bombings and an international convention on the suppression and financing of terrorism. Such issues need to be addressed urgently, but the Bill will not be considered on Committee Stage until later this month. I do not know when it will be passed or when it will be implemented. Why has the Taoiseach called for EU support for action on terrorism when he will not implement his own legislation on it?

The Government refuses to have an open and mature debate on EU security and common defence arrangements despite Ireland's lack of capacity to resist any serious terrorist threat. As Deputy Kehoe said earlier, Fine Gael has been the only party to face up to Ireland's inability in this regard. We have grasped the nettle of Ireland's so-called neutrality. The first duty of a Government should be to provide for the security of the people, but the Government has neglected its responsibility in that area. In a European Union that is closer than ever, Fine Gael believes that Ireland should play an active role in the Union's emerging common defence and security arrangements. This is the best way to secure the safety of our people at home and abroad and to fulfil our responsibilities to our EU neighbours and friends.

Not only should Ireland be part of the EU security and defence architecture, but it should be one of the architects of the systems to meet our needs and our view of Europe's needs. Deputy Kehoe referred to a Fine Gael document, Beyond Neutrality, which recognises the need for Ireland to be involved in a common security and defence system that is guided by five key principles. There should first be a commitment to adhere to the fundamental principles of the UN; second, a commitment to the pursuit to universal nuclear and biological disarmament and a promise never to use either type of weapon; third, a commitment to mutual defence with our EU neighbours, with specific provisions that allow Ireland decide whether to get involved in any conflict on a case-by-case basis; fourth, a commitment to providing peacekeeping and peacemaking operations; and fifth, a commitment to respect the right of other EU member states to enter other military alliances. We know that it currently seems to be a priority with our European colleagues that they are slowly evolving and building a common security and defence policy. As was admitted in the House yesterday, if we are in difficulties we can call on their help. If they are in difficulties, it is only fair that it should be a quid pro quo whereby we would be available to help them. The stance of "I will help you if you will help me" seems reasonable. I cannot understand why we have any difficulty with such a policy. I am sure the Minister will respond.

Whether we like it or not, European defence co-operation is up for discussion and there is a clear momentum towards a common arrangement. We should get involved in the discussion now. Doing nothing is the best way of ensuring that the end of Irish neutrality comes about on the least favourable terms for Ireland and based on rules written by others. I do not know if we can participate in this discussion at European level. When the policy is being put together, if we make our contribution we will at least have a say in the final document. If we sit on the sidelines and do not participate, we will eventually be presented with a fait accompli that we will probably have to accept whether we participate or not.

The Maritime Security Bill 2004 is important legislation, but further action will be needed for the protection of Irish and European waters. Given the present geopolitical climate and the possible threat of terrorist attacks, the EU, in recognising the vulnerability of maritime targets, should establish an EU coast guard to provide a co-ordinated rapid response, should such a maritime attack ever occur. At European level, Fine Gael has led the call for the establishment of an EU coast guard. In addition to combating potential terrorist attacks, such a coast guard could also vigorously police the revised Common Fisheries Policy to ensure that the deal, which will involve a significant loss of tonnage for Irish fishermen, is administered fairly.

While we are not primarily concerned with, or are discussing, the Common Fisheries Policy and its implications for our coastal community, I know that the Minister of State is very familiar with what we have lost over the years, and with what we continue to lose. In my own constituency, the fishing industry was very vibrant in the past, and provided so many jobs that the Donegal economy was always closely tied to that industry. It is now depressed. When the Common Fisheries Policy is fully negotiated, its implementation must be fairly carried out. We must have the equipment to ensure that we get our fair share of what is going.

Most importantly however, an EU coast guard could also have a vital role in combating the actions of organised criminals who exploit EU waters in the trafficking of arms, drugs and human beings. We know this is happening. There have been a number of tragedies where human beings were trafficked or transported. Additionally, EU member states acting alone are underresourced and ill-prepared to face the threat of maritime disaster. The traffic in EU shipping lanes is increasingly heavy and the number of collisions that have occurred in EU waters point to the need for more effective co-ordination if we are to avoid potential maritime disasters. We have had our share of those. There was one a number of years ago in the constituency of my colleague, Deputy Kehoe, when a tanker went aground. Similar incidents have occurred off the coasts of France and Spain.

Security is needed in that area, but the root of the problem is that shipping companies are acting like pirates and allowing unseaworthy craft to go to sea. There must be more scrutiny and tighter controls on such vessels before they are allowed to carry dangerous cargoes which can cause so much damage to the ecology of our coastal areas. That is another area which needs to be tightened up if we are to avoid these disasters.

Fine Gael MEPs were instrumental in having the proposal for the establishment of an EU coast guard accepted recently by the European Parliament Committee on Maritime Safety, and will continue to call vigorously for the establishment of such a service. We welcome this Bill as a small step towards improving our maritime security, but we must have a comprehensive policy which will cover our coastal areas and air territory. We are living in a dangerous world. We must act together, co-operate and be good neighbours to our neighbours. Unless we stand together we will fall separately on this issue.

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