Enda Kenny (Mayo, Fine Gael)

They can take credit for the new enthusiasm they have aroused in hitherto reticent protagonists. The flexibility they have managed to secure on issues that had been blocking final agreement is a testament to their tenacity and skill. It proves yet again what Ireland's public servants can offer and deliver when it comes to international affairs.

By moving immediately to provide the necessary debate on the draft treaty, the Government can achieve two vital things. First, it can show credibility in engaging the people of Ireland on Europe and European issues. Second, it can demonstrate that it has turned over a new leaf when it comes to Europe. Having learned the lesson of being arrogant, patronising and removed on the first Nice treaty referendum, the Government can now show that it is genuinely appealing to people and being honest and open with the electorate about this latest treaty. The work of the Convention on the Future of Europe has been of considerable importance in bringing this about, along with the work of the Forum on Europe and the Committee on European Affairs. As, in many ways, this treaty will be more complex than the Nice treaty, it is of critical importance that as much information and clarification is provided as necessary.

Europe, however, is at a serious disadvantage because the Government must sell a treaty to an electorate which, in many respects, finds it difficult to believe in this Administration. As Europe demands much more than the freeze-frame politics of this Government, it will go to the country cold and without any of the usual inducements, such as political bribes and promises of more jobs, more gardaí, an end to hospital waiting lists, and so on. This is a case of selling the context and content of a treaty and the constitutional amendment giving effect to it.

The two major issues facing the Taoiseach, as President of the Council, are, first, the decision on the size of the Commission and, second, the definition and scope of qualified majority voting. I wish him well in his endeavours. Having attended a meeting of the EPP last week, I believe this is possible and we will support him in so far as we can.

The summit was completely overshadowed by the tragic events in Madrid and the mass murder of ordinary people taking the train to work. This brings home to the rest of the Union the threat posed to everyone by international terrorists. Ireland is aware of the effects of terrorism and the associated pain, grief and trauma. The Union should not give in to the climate of fear created by the terrorists throughout the world, but it is vital it should adopt a much more coherent strategy to tackle terrorism. The Union's counter terrorism measures must become markedly more effective. Currently, it lacks neither the will nor the capabilities to do so, whether they are financial or judicial or related to policing or intelligence. New capabilities are not needed and it is a matter of making optimum use of those currently available. That is why I welcome the appointment of Mr. de Vries to co-ordinate this important and urgent work.

However, success will not be achieved unless the intelligence agencies in various member states are willing to share information for their mutual benefit to ensure the safety of all EU citizens. Everything must be done to prevent the co-ordination effort becoming a mere bureaucratic mollifying exercise. Three measures should be taken immediately. First, legislative measures such as the European arrest warrant must be fully implemented at the earliest opportunity. Second, the acceleration of the Union's document security and border controls must be examined and, third, existing curbs on the financing of terrorism must be re-examined.

The Taoiseach has been preaching to his EU counterparts about the need to ratchet up the fight against terrorism, yet the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform has not progressed legislation to combat terrorism which he published two years ago. While at the White House the Taoiseach suggested putting forward a declaration and suggestions about what should be done immediately. It is coincidental that two Bills have been published this week, which deal with anti-terrorism measures. At a time when Ireland's position as President of the Union demands that it should lead by example, the Government could have made more of an impact by dealing with these Bills.

The Madrid murders highlight that we, the civilians, are the oxygen of terrorist publicity. Our civilian status makes the terror aspect all the worse but with the British Government and the commission of the Metropolitan Police recently admitting that a major terror attack against the UK is inevitable, Ireland must examine critical issues of national security. I attended the lord mayor's ball in London prior to St. Patrick's Day. It was hosted by mayor Livingstone and attended by 1,000 people. I spoke to many business people and community leaders and they said it is practically impossible in a city such as London to prevent an incident similar to that which occurred in Madrid from taking place on the tube or at train stations. Vigilance is critical. Al-Qaeda is responsible for the Madrid bombings and it is in the business of blowing governments out of office and causing mayhem and terror on the streets. People cannot give in to this but a difficulty is created in cities the size of London.

Sellafield is chief among terrorist targets in Britain. It was described by one of the world's leading authorities on nuclear energy, Matthew Bunn, as one of the "most sensitive civilian nuclear facilities in the world." It was recently reported that the site contains major lakes of nuclear fuel. I have visited Sellafield twice and security has been increased but I urge the Taoiseach to be up front with the Prime Minister Mr. Blair and to seek independent analysis and verification of the security measures by the RPII or the Atomic Energy Commission. Mohammed Al Baradei, the head of the International Atomic Energy Agency warned, following 11 September, that "an unconventional threat demands an unconventional response" and that may happen. The Taoiseach should constantly raise this with Mr. Blair.

I recently read My Enemy's Enemy, a book about the funding of the Mujahadin by the CIA to throw the Russians out of Afghanistan. Cultivation of opium in the country has increased by more than 1000% and caravans of heroin are exported under the eyes of Western troops. This drug leads to the destruction of lives in most western European cities, including Dublin. As head of the EU, the Taoiseach should raise this issue with the powers that be so that investment is made in alternative crop facilities for Afghani farmers rather than inflicting heroin on the next generation of Europeans. I refer to the Middle East conflict, which is an alibi for terrorism in countries surrounding Palestine and Israel. It is the root cause of the reign of terror being conducted in the region and that should be a priority for the Taoiseach.

On the economic front, despite the great ambitions declared by the EU in Lisbon four years ago this week, which would have seen it become the most competitive and dynamic knowledge-based economy in the world by 2010, there is a long way to go. Far from catching up with the US, the EU seems to be falling further behind. The European Commission report of January this year finds that Europe is far from meeting its ambitious goals in three vital areas: economic growth, productivity and employment. There is a number of irritators here. First, approximately 40% of all EU laws relating to Lisbon have yet to be transposed by member states. I refer to the Union's failure to implement the 42 part financial services action plan, one of the most ambitious legislative programmes laid out at Lisbon. The problems in this may not be with Brussels per se but with individual member states, especially the larger states that have not delivered their end of the bargain to make it easier to trade across borders. The implementation of the plan was meant to increase GDP in the EU by €130 billion over ten years and was expected to raise employment by 0.5%. This has not happened and this demonstrates the larger states are not serious about implementing the accord. The Taoiseach should remind them of this.

However, we must see this in a wider context in terms of those things that might act as a brake on Lisbon. Is it perhaps the case that the aspirations of Lisbon have become caught in the middle of the debate between economic liberals on one side and, on the other, those who believe that the social and the environmental aspects should come first, especially given the Union's targets on emission reductions, renewable energy, biodiversity and social inclusion?

Surely just like in Ireland, our crucial choices, as a Union, cannot degenerate to a case of "either or." Surely, it must be a question of creating a better economy to, in turn, create a better society as the means to an end. Surely for the sake of our citizens, our whole and true selves, it must never be the end in itself.

The Taoiseach should take some of these points into consideration during the remainder of the Presidency and, in so far as we can assist him in reaching a conclusion on the constitutional treaty discussion, we will be happy to do so.

See this speech in context