Charles Flanagan (Laois-Offaly, Fine Gael) | Oireachtas source

I have four brief issues before handing over to Deputy Berry for concluding questions. Further to the questions on the Passport Office, I wish to make reference to foreign birth registration. This is the first time I have seen this figure of 35,000 applications received last year. It does not surprise me. These figures will continue to increase in similar terms given the volume of young Irish people abroad who are very keen that their newborn child would have access to an Irish passport. I see reference to an eight-month current waiting time. With respect, I suggest that is a long time. For example, if there is a birth in Paris and people have plans for a summer engagement in America or a visit to a grandparent in another part of the world, eight months is a long time. While acknowledging great improvements I wonder if there is a target to improve that further.

I am reluctant to engage in whataboutery on the matter of Australia.

Deputy Carthy has left. He made a good case for Melbourne but I will make a similar case for Perth, where there is a large and growing Irish community and its distance from either Canberra or Sydney is considerably farther than Melbourne is from Sydney or Canberra. The need in Perth might be borne in mind in the context of the Irish footprint in Australia. I am sure due diligence will be done in the normal way the Department engages in these issues, but I hope consideration might be given to Perth.

Third, let me fully subscribe to the Tánaiste's work in the Middle East, especially his engagement on the delicate, sensitive and critical issues of recent times. Will he proffer a view on whether it is his considered opinion that the Palestinian Authority has the capacity to run a state in the near future, or at some future time, having regard to the fact that we pin our hopes, as do others in the West, for the future of the West Bank and Gaza on the Palestinian Authority? It seems, in recent times in particular, that the gap that has emerged between what is expected of the Palestinian Authority and what it can in effect deliver is widening to the extent that it is perhaps becoming unrealistic to expect that it can govern anywhere. Ultimately this question needs to addressed. That is the context of the issue of the recognition by Ireland of the state of Palestine in the future. I hear calls in the House and from civil society and I hear engagements in other parliaments that this would be helpful in the circumstances, but I am not sure it would in the current climate. What are the Tánaiste's views on an early recognition by Ireland of a state of Palestine, having regard to the current state of crisis in Gaza in particular, but also in the West Bank and the capacity of the Palestinian Authority to assist in making matters work?

Before we conclude, on the Ukrainian situation, again I acknowledge the Tánaiste's work, diligence and commitment in support of Ireland's effort to support Ukraine. He again stated that Ireland will be with Ukraine for as long as it takes. I am sure he will agree that a Russian victory in Ukraine would only lead to further risk of conflict on European soil. How can a small state such as Ireland continue to thwart the ambitions of the Kremlin? We can point to what we are doing in providing a welcome to Ukrainians seeking refuge; to the sanctions we have imposed; and the Tánaiste's commitment and record of advancing EU membership for Ukraine, but we need to continue, so to speak, to put our money where our mouth is. In that regard, I ask about the possible forfeiture of the proceeds of sanctions in this jurisdiction, which is slightly less than €2 billion. How can that be harnessed or forfeited and put back into support of Ukraine? I point to the legislation the Belgian Government has introduced on a Belgian fund for Ukraine. Would there be merit in such a consideration here, having regard to the frozen assets of Russian oligarchs in this State, which are moderate, but nevertheless in existence?

The Tánaiste stressed, as he always does, that we supply non-lethal military equipment and weaponry to Ukraine. That is accepted by the Irish people as being in accordance with our law. However, with reference to one aspect of military equipment being supplied by Ireland, namely, in the area of de-mining, is there further equipment we can provide in that area, as well as personnel? For example, de-mining equipment is manufactured in Ireland. Can we do more? Can we purchase de-mining equipment and put such a purchase towards the Ukrainian effort? In the context of the overall Ukrainian war effort, one of the obstacles has been the slow nature of the success in de-mining, which appears to frustrate a possible Ukrainian advance. Could a small country like Ireland purchase de-mining equipment and provide it to our personnel who are currently providing assistance to Ukraine? It is important to ensure the Ukrainian defence effort remains top of the agenda and does not fall down the priorities, as that is exactly what Putin is waiting for to happen.