Micheál Martin (Cork South Central, Fianna Fail) | Oireachtas source

I thank the committee for the invitation to brief members in my capacity as Minister for Foreign Affairs. I will speak on some of the foreign policy issues that my Department is focused on as well as the consultative forum on international security policy. I bear in mind what the Chairman said in that regard.

The situation in the Middle East is at the forefront of our minds. We have the opportunity for a comprehensive debate on the issue in the Dáil tomorrow, but I also welcome a discussion with the committee in this setting. I know this committee has been deeply involved for many years in the issue of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. I want to use this opportunity to discuss with members the principles guiding the Government's response to this crisis. I also want to touch on the longer-term significance of what we are witnessing.

First, though, I reiterate my heartfelt condolences to Kim Damti’s family and to the family of Emily Hand. Their deaths, like all the deaths in Israel in the 7 October attack, were deeply shocking. I know the committee will join me in offering these condolences.

We have repeatedly stated our horror about the violence that we have seen in the past ten days. We must continue to state it. We have to reject, unequivocally, consistently and vocally, those who advocate for violence as a means to resolve the conflict in the Middle East. The numbers of lives that have been lost, irrevocably damaged or placed in mortal danger continues to rise. Members will have heard me say time and again that a commitment to multilateralism – the rules-based international order with the UN Charter at its core – is the cornerstone of Irish foreign policy. This situation is no different. This has been my message to all my counterparts in Europe and in the region to whom I have spoken.

The UN Secretary General has made it very clear that even wars have rules. International humanitarian law exists for a reason. Its overarching aim is to protect civilians. That means all civilians everywhere. As the Red Cross movement, the guardians of international humanitarian law, has said, in the law of armed conflict, there is no hierarchy in pain and suffering. The rules of war exist to help preserve humanity in its darkest moments and they desperately need to be followed today.They are and should remain our compass to ensure that we put humanity first. I echoed this call in my statement last Sunday. The rules are clear and they apply to all sides in all conflicts everywhere - state and non-state armed groups alike.

I have stated clearly and unambiguously that we are in agreement with the UN Secretary-General on this. The decision by the Israeli military to tell the entire civilian population in the north of the Gaza Strip to move southward for their own safety was unrealistic, unworkable and deeply dangerous. We are seeing the terrible humanitarian consequences. There is an urgent need for humanitarian corridors to be established to deliver vital humanitarian assistance to Palestinian civilians. We are in ongoing contact with the United Nations, the International Committee of the Red Cross and regional partners on this issue.

I spoke with Philippe Lazzarini, the head of United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East, UNRWA, yesterday. There is no doubt about the brutal criminality of Hamas and its utter disregard for human life, including the lives of its fellow Palestinians. Let us also be clear that international humanitarian law explicitly prohibits the taking of hostages, the use of civilians as human shields and the locating of military objectives within or near densely-populated areas - all actions that Hamas is, and has been, engaged in. However, a distinction must absolutely be made between Hamas and Palestinian civilians. This is the message that the Government has also been stressing in European Union discussions on this crisis, consistently and at all levels.

The European Union has an important role to play. Our common foreign and security policy – which all member states are part of and are obliged by the treaties to implement – is based on the clear underpinning that: "The Union's action on the international scene shall be guided by the principles of the United Nations Charter and international law." No ifs; no buts. Ireland will continue to insist on this in all EU discussions and in respect of all EU actions and decisions now and in the coming weeks.

We are at a moment of grave risk. What we do today and in the days ahead must take account of a longer-term perspective. We are at a critical juncture. For years, those who have desired a just and sustainable peace have decried the lack of advancement in any peace process. Whatever our differences on policy in this room, I know that this is a view we all share. We must do everything to avoid the prospect of the voices of extremism on all sides becoming the loudest or only voices. I am talking not just about Israel and Palestine, but about the many voices external to this conflict. This is simply too serious for us to misjudge. Voices of moderation have been drowned out for far too long. That does not mean that Israel should abandon its right to self-defence. No one of any political background can be in any doubt now as to what Hamas is, what it is capable of and what its objectives are.

Nothing justifies what we witnessed on 7 October. None of that means though that we should abandon rationality and reason in our response. As outside observers who care deeply about this situation, the only responsible way forward is to support a future in which people do not use political violence to achieve their aims. This is the foundation upon which democracy is built. We can argue over the best ways in which we can achieve this, but we should be clear that this is our aim.

This is an incredibly dark period, and it will get darker. However, there is a horizon; there has to be a horizon. Everything we say and do must be towards ensuring that those who emerge stronger on that horizon are the moderates and not the extremists. This has been at the heart of my engagement over the past few days.

I wish also to address the situation in Ukraine. Since I was last here, this issue has been at the heart of my work and that of my Department. Ukraine is continuing to fight for its survival as a state against an expansionist Russia. In the 32 years since the formation of the modern Russian Federation, it has declared two annexations of the territory of another sovereign state and destabilised several others. In five months, we will mark the tenth anniversary of the annexation of Crimea. We cannot be naïve about Russian objectives and behaviour. Ukraine is fighting to protect the Europe that we wish to continue to live in, one in which political violence has no home and in which war cannot be used as a means of competition and dominance.

I will be frank on this point because its importance to our interests as a State is immense. Russia is fighting a war of attrition in which it believes its persistence is its greatest advantage. It has failed to reach its stated military objectives in its invasion and is now hoping to outlast Ukraine's resilience and resources. We need to ensure Ukraine has the multifaceted support required to guarantee Russia will not succeed.

I participated in a visit by EU foreign ministers to Kyiv at the start of this month. This was a strong and important signal to both Kyiv and Moscow. We have a number of significant proposals on the table, including the Ukraine facility and the Ukraine assistance fund, which would see us put in place predictable and sustainable funding for the next few years. The details of these proposals will have to be carefully considered but they will deliver benefits for both us and Ukraine, shifting our decision-making and support from an ad hocto structured basis. I announced an additional package of €23 million for Ukraine during United Nations high-level week, bringing our total support since the invasion to more than €210 million. We will continue with that support as long as necessary.

This is my first opportunity to address this committee since the consultative forum on international security policy in June. I thank in particular those committee members who participated in the forum and the associated public consultation. The committee will have received a copy of the chair’s report, which I presented to the Government earlier today. One of the most striking elements of the report on first reading is the degree to which there is broad consensus on many issues, such as the pride Irish people feel towards our international engagement and the strong sense there is value in working more closely with our partners in a manner compatible with our military neutrality. There was clear recognition, too, that we face emerging threats, especially in cyberspace and in the maritime domain. The forum was also invaluable in shining a light on the areas where we must consider our national security arrangements, including an acknowledgment of the need to invest more in Defence Forces capabilities. With an allocation of €1.23 billion in budget 2024, we anticipate this will enable further progress on the transformation of the Defence Forces as outlined in the recently published strategic framework.

The question of the triple lock was also raised, and from reading the chair’s report, it is clear there is no one viewpoint on how best to manage the decision to deploy Irish troops abroad. In my view, however, we must consider the challenges facing the UN Security Council in agreeing or renewing UN peacekeeping mandates. The implications of this for Ireland and our current policy are simply something we have to take seriously. In an increasingly unpredictable world, we need to work together to navigate the complex choices we face from a baseline of facts and evidence. The chair’s report marks an important contribution to this effort. I look forward to continuing this conversation, both with this committee and with the wider Oireachtas in the weeks ahead, and I anticipate a Dáil debate shortly on this.

Turning to the situation in Northern Ireland, it is deeply disappointing that almost 18 months on from the most recent assembly elections, Northern Ireland's power-sharing institutions remain blocked. The Government and I are working urgently to support a return of the assembly and the Executive. I met the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland last week and am in regular contact with the Northern Ireland parties. I have made clear to them that this situation cannot be allowed to continue indefinitely. It is past time the democratically elected representatives of Northern Ireland were allowed to take up their responsibilities and deliver for their constituents on the range of pressing challenges facing them.

The bilateral Irish-British relationship remains fundamentally important, not least when it comes to protecting peace on this island. The richness and diversity of ties between our people are unique. Trade is at record levels. In addition to a steady flow of bilateral meetings and visits at political level, institutional structures under strand three of the Good Friday Agreement provide important frameworks for co-operation and engagement. These include the British-Irish Council and the British-Irish Intergovernmental Conference, both of which will convene in Dublin in November. They also include parliamentary structures such as the British-Irish Parliamentary Assembly. These are forums where we can build relations and engage on important issues such as energy co-operation, education and social and economic issues. As a Government, we continue to invest in the bilateral relationship. Plans for a new Ireland House in London are evidence of that, as are our co-operation frameworks with Scotland and Wales. I look forward to heading to Bangor with the Minister, Deputy Harris, later this week to advance work on, for example, our shared statement with Wales but, of course, there is much more work to be done and that remains our focus.

Earlier this year, I set out Ireland’s approach to our relationship with China. I underlined our commitment to engagement on global challenges and to growing mutually beneficial ties. I reiterated the Government’s continued adherence to the one China policy and made clear we will act to protect our interests and our values, whether that be taking steps to shore up our economic resilience, advocating for a level playing field for Irish business or speaking clearly on the preservation and promotion of human rights. In June, the European Council sent an important and unified message that provides all EU member states with a solid platform for sustained engagement. This shared approach is often referred to as "de-risking". I want to be clear this does not mean turning our back on an economic, diplomatic and cultural relationship with China. De-risking is not decoupling, but it is being clear-eyed about the challenges and risks. It is in this spirit that I will travel to China in November. I look forward to meeting the foreign minister, Wang Yi, whom I met at the Munich Security Conference, and to establishing a solid basis for constructive dialogue both on issues on which we share a common interest and on those on which our approaches differ.

Lastly, I wish to mention the significance of last week’s budget announcement for the work of the Department of Foreign Affairs. Next year will see yet another increase in the Department’s development assistance budget, allowing Ireland to help many more people, especially those impacted by climate change, the war in Ukraine, food insecurity and humanitarian crises. A total of €776.5 million will be allocated to Irish Aid. This is the highest ever level, representing an increase of €60 million, or 8.4%, on the 2023 allocation. Based on current estimates, this means the total official development assistance for 2024 will amount to €2 billion. The additional funding, in conjunction with additional funding from the Department of the Environment, Climate and Communications, will enable Ireland to provide a total additional sum of €42.5 million for international climate finance in 2024, a significant step towards meeting our commitment to providing annual funding of at least €225 million by 2025.

I would have liked to speak in more detail on COP 28 and on my visit to South Africa and Mozambique. As the committee requested, however, that I cover both foreign affairs and defence issues in this session, our time for detailed discussion on priority foreign policy issues is necessarily curtailed. I look forward to our discussions on these and other issues in the coming months.