Oireachtas Joint and Select Committees

Wednesday, 9 February 2022

Select Committee on Finance, Public Expenditure and Reform, and Taoiseach

Estimates for Public Services 2022
Vote 1 - President's Establishment (Revised)
Vote 2 - Taoiseach (Revised)
Vote 3 - Attorney General (Revised)
Vote 5 - Director of Public Prosecutions (Revised)
Vote 6 - Chief State Solicitor's Office (Revised)

Photo of Pearse DohertyPearse Doherty (Donegal, Sinn Fein) | Oireachtas source

I am not suggesting that. I agree with the Taoiseach's view concerning the dialogue and engagement that must happen to ensure any referendum and any transition that would take place in the future would be as smooth and seamless as possible at that point in time. That is an important but different point.

In a conversation with a former Secretary of State when we raised these issues with him at the time, he made the point that if he was to call a border poll under the Good Friday Agreement, he could be judicially reviewed and the courts could find him in breach of an international agreement. The point I am making is that the opposite can happen. We could have a situation where the courts find that the Secretary of State is acting against the Good Friday Agreement because the desire could be there and represented and there would be a breach of the Good Friday Agreement in respect of not triggering the poll. He pointed to opinion polls as an indicator. The problem is that we need to have the preparation work done and part of that involves engagements and discussions that need to happen among all of us who believe in a new and shared island.

Part of that work needs to involve a separate work about an understanding for those of us who believe in a new Ireland regarding what our taxation system will look like, what our new health system will look like and how the transition of the Six Counties to the EU will take place, as is already allowed for by the EU. What will the economy look like? What will a new constitution look like? How will the identities and traditions of 1 million people who identify themselves as British or unionist not just be recognised but cherished on a new island? All of these tricky and sensitive questions must be asked and they cannot be asked just in terms of building relations. They must be asked formally. This is why it is really important regardless of whatever mechanism we find such as a Green Paper, a constitutional convention, a new Ireland forum or an all-party committee to thrash those issues.

There is a real danger because of the momentum that is growing, and discussion is really rampant concerning the question of unity, that a referendum takes place and, from my point of view, is won and the people of the North and South agree to constitutional change and a new Ireland but we have not done the work we should have done. We have always made it very clear that it is this work that needs to begin immediately. The discussion leading up to the referendum is crucial, just as it was in the Scottish referendum. Opinion polls can vary. They can go up and down as we saw in the last election. Those supportive of Scottish independence failed to achieve above the mid-30s before the debate on Scottish independence happened. We know the result of the referendum, which was very close. The debate is really important - not just in terms of winning hearts and minds but reassuring those who are not in any way supportive of the idea of Irish unity. I think every political party believes there will be a referendum. Does the Taoiseach believe there will be a referendum on the constitutional change in the next ten years? Does he see this as a possibility? If so, when do we start that other type of work in terms of what we think are the changes that would be required? This needs to be as inclusive as possible while recognising that some people may not be up for that discussion at this point in time. Others will, including some unionists.

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