Dr. Mary C. Murphy:

I thank the Chairman and all of the members of the committee for the opportunity to discuss the situation in Myanmar. I am very pleased to engage with the committee. I welcome its interest in learning more about the situation and considering what role Ireland might play in responding to the crisis.

Before I begin, I apologise for the earlier technical issue and the fault was on my end. I also apologise that members cannot see me as I have had to enter the meeting using a web browser as opposed to the Teams App.

As the members will be aware, the military coup in Myanmar has been ongoing since 1 February 2021. There are few signs of a peaceful return to civilian rule in the short term. The seriousness of the crisis should not be underestimated. Further violence is almost assured. It will likely be accompanied by economic collapse and a serious humanitarian crisis. The repercussions of such developments are grave and include geopolitical instability in the region. The tragedy of the situation is all the more poignant given that Myanmar and its people had experienced newfound freedoms as the democratisation process proceeded since about 2011.

Myanmar, as members will be aware, is a diverse and complex country. Myanmar gained independence in 1948 but it was subject to an oppressive military junta from 1962 until 2011 when a gradual return to civilian rule began to proceed. Throughout that period, Myanmar had to deal with the longest running civil war in the world. Ongoing since 1948 and based on a very complex mix of conflicts between the State and ethnic groups, including non-State actors and a military that has, over decades, infiltrated both the State and the economy in very deep ways.

The 2008 constitution and free elections in 2015 signalled the beginnings of a democratisation process. However, on 1 February this year, the day the newly elected Myanmar parliament was scheduled to meet for the first time following the November 2020 election, the Myanmar military, known as the Tatmadaw, seized control and declared a year-long state of emergency with a stated intention to hold new elections at the end of that period.

The coup followed the intensification of tensions between the military and the civilian government which crystallised further after the November elections. The National League for Democracy, NLD, led by Aung San Suu Kyi, won by a landslide. The military and the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party, USDP, disputed the election result, claiming widespread fraud and calling for a rerun of the election. In the aftermath of that coup, leaders of the NLD, including Aung San Suu Kyi, have been detained and imprisoned and are facing various charges.

I highlight in particular that there has been widespread public opposition to the coup which catalysed into an extraordinary civil disobedience movement spearheaded by Myanmar professionals, including doctors, bankers, teachers, factory workers, civil servants, transport staff, and many other workers across the country. Hundreds of thousands of workers from these sectors are striking and have been doing so for months. They aim to stifle the economy, thereby cutting off the military’s sources of revenue and forcing an end to the coup.

We have seen the mass mobilisation of young people in Myanmar. This cohort is playing a critical role in opposing the coup. I emphasise the extent to which young people, in particular, are resolute in their resistance to military rule in Myanmar and have shown themselves willing to make extraordinary sacrifices to ensure the return of freedom and democracy.

The political response has included the formation of the Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw, CRPH, by a number of elected NLD MPs in exile. The committee comprises 17 members. Importantly, it includes two elected MPs from ethnic parties. It seeks to conduct parliamentary affairs as per its electoral mandate in November. The junta has charged 17 members of the CRPH with incitement and has threatened anyone who contacts them with seven years' imprisonment.

On 31 March this year, the CRPH declared the abolishment of the 2008 constitution and announced a new interim constitution, the Federal Democracy Charter. Two weeks later, the CRPH formed a national unity government that brought Aung San Suu Kyi back into her previous role as State Counsellor. The national unity government includes cabinet members drawn from both the NLD and, critically, the ethnic parties, all of whom are currently in hiding or outside the country. They are seeking international recognition as the legitimate government of Myanmar. The junta has declared the national unity government unlawful.

The military has responded forcefully to repress all political and civil opposition in Myanmar. It has imposed martial law in parts of the country, introduced curfews and altered laws to prevent mass mobilisation and undermine the civil disobedience movement. According to UN sources, more than 700 civilians, including children, have been killed by the military since the coup began. Many more have been seriously injured. There are more than 3,000 in detention, and tens of thousands in the ethnic states, in particular, have been displaced as villages have been targeted and bombed by the military. In the larger cities, we have seen increased movement out to rural areas to escape the crackdowns.

I must stress the military’s tactics in this regard are increasingly indiscriminate, systematically attacking neighbourhoods, randomly discharging weapons into homes, and bombing and shelling villages in ethnic areas. The UN has reported the use of heavy artillery against civilians. There are also reports of the military targeting medical professionals with arrest and preventing those who need medical treatment from receiving it.

In addition to this deteriorating human rights crisis, a humanitarian crisis is looming in Myanmar. Many citizens have lost their jobs amid the turmoil and can no longer afford to support basic needs. The World Food Programme has warned of food insecurity in the short term. Communication systems have been severely disrupted. Myanmar’s economic situation is also deteriorating. There will be an expected 10% contraction, at least, in 2021. A serious refugee crisis cannot be discounted.

The EU and the US have imposed some sanctions on Myanmar, including financial sanctions and travel bans on key military personnel. The US has also applied a series of sanctions, including financial sanctions, in respect of the military’s two major conglomerates.

At an Association of Southeast Asian Nations, ASEAN, summit meeting on 24 April 2021, a five-point consensus on the situation in Myanmar was agreed, calling for the immediate cessation of violence, constructive dialogue among parties, a mediation role for the special ASEAN envoy to be appointed, provision of humanitarian assistance and access to Myanmar for the ASEAN envoy. Although this five-point consensus is welcome, there are issues which remain unaddressed. ASEAN did not call for the release of political prisoners. There are no explicit plans for dialogue with the national unity government and no clear timeframe for actions.

The seriousness of the crisis in Myanmar should not be underestimated. If the situation continues to escalate, and the signs are that it is escalating, the country risks becoming a failed state in the heart of Asia. The consequences of this are severe and include unconscionable human suffering, economic and social devastation, a likely refugee and humanitarian crisis, and geopolitical instability in the region.

In terms of how the Oireachtas and the Irish Government can play a role in opposing the military coup and supporting democratic forces in Myanmar, there are a series of actions that might be considered. First is encouraging and supporting a robust leadership role for ASEAN, which has a critically important role to play in addressing the crisis in Myanmar. There is also capacity for Ireland to use its position on the UN Security Council and in the General Assembly and its network of embassies across Asia to encourage ASEAN and individual countries in the region to leverage their efforts and influence to prevent the situation from deteriorating. It would be important for countries to support and endorse the work of both the UN special envoy to Myanmar and the ASEAN special envoy to Myanmar. Sanctions must be maintained and there should be a push for additional targeted sanctions against military-run businesses and industries.

There is a role for the Oireachtas to play in publicly acknowledging the CRPH and the national unity government. There is capacity to push for the European Union to strengthen its response to the situation in Myanmar. Ongoing support for an international arms embargo is similarly important. The Oireachtas may consider applying pressure to leading gas and oil companies operating in Myanmar to temporarily stop giving taxes and other pipeline-related payments to the military regime and the conglomerates it dominates. There is capacity to engage with tech companies to protect, improve and facilitate ongoing access to communication facilities in Myanmar and to encourage the fashion industry, which supports a large garment industry in Myanmar, to speak out much more forcefully against the military coup.

The Oireachtas and the committee may wish to consider calling additional witnesses to share evidence, including, for example, members of the CRPH in Myanmar, former ambassadors, business interests in Myanmar, and UN personnel. The Oireachtas can play a role in defending the human rights of elected MPs in Myanmar by raising the crisis there with the Inter-Parliamentary Union, IPU, which has its 142nd assembly upcoming in May this year. Finally, the fact of this session sends a signal to Myanmar and helps support public morale among Myanmar protestors and citizens by helping to maintain an international focus on what is happening in Myanmar and by maintaining sustained, strong and vocal opposition to the military coup.