Simon Coveney (Cork South Central, Fine Gael) | Oireachtas source

Yes, but I wish to make a point on the global compact before we move on to Brexit. I spoke to Deputy Crowe briefly as we walked over to the House for the vote. Many people seem to have the wrong impression about the global compact. It is somehow seen as countries wanting an open door policy on migration. It is nothing of the sort. This is about trying to balance rights and responsibilities to make sure that countries respond in a way that is consistent with international humanitarian law. It provides for a recognition of the reality of the extent of migration in various parts of the world and the need to respond collectively in a consistent way which allows countries to manage their own borders appropriately but which at the same time ensures that we can respond to the humanitarian challenge of significant levels of migration which are not going to reduce any time soon. We are talking about millions of people on the move within the continent of Africa at any given time. Unfortunately, significant numbers of people continue to flee conflict and oppression. There are also, unfortunately, millions of people in refugee camps.

Migration is a reality to which the international community needs to respond with much more consistency than has been the case to date. Some countries take hardline positions in this regard and shut their borders and others then have to accept a totally disproportionate burden in terms of the humanitarian challenges relating to mass migration. That is not sustainable and it is what the global compact is essentially trying to respond to. I am pleased to say that the majority of UN member states support the compact. There is a lot of work to do because some very influential and wealthy countries have decided not to support it.

On Brexit, it is fair to say that the backstop is now part of a negotiated agreement that will not change. The British Prime Minister gave a very strong defence of the backstop on Monday when she spoke in the House of Commons in very difficult political circumstances. She recognised that the House of Commons needed reassurance and clarification on the backstop from the EU and I hope we will be able to give her that. She also recognised the need for the backstop in the context of providing certainty and reassurance to people on the island of Ireland that they are not going to face border infrastructure as an unintended consequence of Brexit.

I referred earlier to why the backstop is so important. The presence of the backstop in any withdrawal agreement is not negotiable. Reading some of the reports in the British media today, there seems to be confirmation that even if there was another future relationship agreement in place, which is unlikely to happen, a backstop would still be required in the context of a withdrawal agreement, which creates the space through transition for the future relationship to be negotiated and finalised.

All of the focus on the backstop has in many ways camouflaged or hidden many of the other very positive elements in the withdrawal agreement, which are following through on the very strong language of this time last year in the political declaration by the UK to no diminution of rights for citizens in Northern Ireland. Essentially, that is something on which we will have to get further detail in the context of any future relationship agreement. As a result of the fact that people in Northern Ireland have a right to Irish citizenship, they will also have a right to EU citizenship. Therefore, they will, like other citizens of the EU, be able to move around, study and work across the Union. There is a difference between EU citizenship and EU residency rights and entitlements and it is important to signal that distinction. It is the intention of the British Government to try to ensure that the Erasmus programmes that are in place would be made available to all British citizens in the future through an agreement with the EU. European health insurance is also something on which there will be positive negotiation in the future to ensure that citizens in Northern Ireland and British citizens generally can benefit from the scheme. The UK would have to contribute towards it because there is a cost attached.

Investment in the north west generally or in the Border counties is a separate issue to Brexit. However, the two are linked.

If we look at the 20-year plan for Ireland, Project Ireland 2040, there is a big emphasis on the north west and on the Border counties in terms of investment in road infrastructure but also in North-South connectivity. For example, doing a full value-for-money assessment on high-speed rail networks between Belfast and Dublin is part of that 2040 plan.

The Deputy makes the case for the need to demand certain things of our EU colleagues to ensure that we reinforce and protect the peace process and so on but all I can say is that to date, our EU colleagues have been nothing short of extraordinarily supportive in this Brexit process in respect of the solidarity that Ireland has got. Many people predicted that as these negotiations intensified, Ireland would be cast aside. I am not suggesting that the Deputy was saying otherwise.