Simon Coveney (Cork South Central, Fine Gael) | Oireachtas source

I would be happy to come in and spend a few hours talking about this issue, in terms of what we are trying to do. Although I spoke a lot about it today we have not had the time to get into some of the specific measures we have been trying to promote and do. I do not agree with those who are saying a two-state solution is no longer tenable. If that becomes the consensus, we have to ask ourselves some serious questions about where we are going because we will not see a one-state solution where Palestinians and Israelis are living in the same country with equal rights and opportunities any time soon. Many Israeli people would fee threatened by that. Many Palestinians will continue to advocate for, and insist on, having their own state. Politically, the only realistic outcome to a negotiated settlement is a two-state solution.

It becomes practically more and more difficult to deliver that when concrete is being poured on land that is supposed to be the basis for the negotiation of a new Palestinian state. Some settlements, particularly near east Jerusalem, are being strategically located in a way that makes the prospect that east Jerusalem will be the capital of a future Palestinian state more and more difficult to envisage. That is why Jerusalem has become a totemic issue for Palestinians. In that context, the decision to move the US Embassy to Jerusalem is a barrier to political progress.

I still think it is important for us to advocate for a two-state solution. I still believe it is possible. That is the UN position as well as the EU position. When I talk about unity on a number of key things across the EU, I am probably giving an overly positive description of the EU's unity on the Middle East peace process, unfortunately. Different European countries have different red lines. I do not believe we are sufficiently unified on the need for the EU to be far more intensively focused and involved in trying to make progress on the Middle East peace process. Instead, there is a sense that we are waiting for the US to intervene at a time when Palestinians have made it very clear that for a series of reasons, they cannot deal with the US on their own in the context of any new initiative. This is not easy. I do not want to suggest naively that it is.

For what it is worth, I have raised the case of a Bedouin settlement that is potentially going to be demolished, with people being forcibly relocated. The settlement in question, Khan al-Ahmar, is in the area to the east of Jerusalem. We have asked the EU High Representative to make very strong representations when she is protesting on this issue on behalf of the EU. It is difficult to match the aspirations we hear coming from Israel for a future peace deal with the actions that are being taken on the ground. Settlements are constantly encroaching on the best land in the West Bank. I refer also to the way in which Area C, which represents the majority of West Bank territory, is being managed. The issues we face in Gaza - the humanitarian issues, the violence and the influence of Hamas and more extreme forces that are trying to capitalise on the misery of many young men and women in Gaza - are more extreme. I know Irish people are very interested in this complicated political challenge. I am spending a lot of time trying to ensure Ireland makes a relevant contribution on it. That is why I am going back to the region next week. I will happily come back here to talk about these issues in more detail if that is what members want. If they want to bring in other expertise, we can respond to that.

The current circumstances in Northern Ireland are frustrating, especially considering some of the challenges that were overcome when the Good Friday Agreement was put in place. The challenges we face today in setting up an Executive, a functioning Assembly and a devolved Government in Northern Ireland do not really compare to the challenges of 20 years ago. All the parties in Northern Ireland say they want a devolved Government. I do not believe the barriers to that are insurmountable. I think the two big parties, in particular, can come together to make it happen if they wish. It is difficult for them to do that in the context of the current uncertainty around Brexit. They have two very different approaches to Brexit. It is not that long ago that the DUP and Sinn Féin sent a joint letter on Brexit that covered issues like Border infrastructure. Both Governments are aware of the challenges that would be associated with Brexit if there was a functioning Executive. We would help the parties to try to overcome some of those issues. We will continue to work. I have a good relationship with Karen Bradley. We are very conscious that Northern Ireland cannot continue in the current vein indefinitely.