Alice-Mary Higgins (Independent) | Oireachtas source

I would like to note very positively the fact that the human rights and equality duty has been highlighted in the draft strategy. That is something that all Departments and public bodies should place at the centre of their work. I will touch on some of the same concerns raised by my colleagues here, but I would like some more specific detail in the responses to some of them. Neutrality is not simply another policy. It is, first of all, the context in which Ireland operates and has operated for a very long time. It is also the current policy. There is a very serious concern here, however. I note in the strategy the line stating that "the intention is to remain adaptable and to focus on Ireland's participation in the collective response to emerging challenges to our security." It would not be appropriate for a strategy to simply anticipate that there may or may not be neutrality. We have had recent statements from the Taoiseach and the Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade reiterating Irish neutrality. Neutrality is the policy within which the Department is producing this strategy and should be at its centre, and not simply mentioned in the introduction. I would go a bit further than Senator Daly in this regard.

It has never been more crucial that we tease out how Irish neutrality, as our current, stated form fits with a number of specific areas. I will outline three or four areas where this needs to be addressed. The first is how Ireland's neutrality and Ireland's Defence Forces link with peace-building. This is very important. Europe and Ireland must both remember that peace-building is not the same as securitisation. It would be very useful if reference could be included in the strategy, not only to the work of the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade, but also to detail on how the Defence Forces want to support Ireland's peace-building role: nuclear non-proliferation, for example; our background in cluster munitions; that body of peace-building work that Ireland has done in the world. How does the Department support this in practical terms? What safeguards are in place to ensure that no actions of the Irish Defence Forces will in any way compromise Ireland's international work in active peace-building, with regard to UN Security Council Resolution 1325, for example?

There are specific areas where I believe due rigour needs to be taken and I would like to know what practical measures are in place and how might they be reflected. Ireland has moved from an observer status to now taking up the chair of the European Union military committee. This is obviously a great honour for Ireland but it is also a very serious responsibility in terms of our neutrality. We previously had observer status because our neutrality was recognised as a concern. How do we now mind that role? In this new role Ireland will be advising Federica Mogherini, the EU Foreign Policy Chief, who, it has been widely been reported, has been looking at proposals for an EU military structure that might act autonomously from NATO. There is a tension there that needs to be addressed. I would like to know how it will be addressed and how Ireland will maintain that role. There is also the question of the EU weapon fund, specifically in the context of a push for European militarisation, and the question of EU battlegroups. These are all issues that will need more rather than less attention and slippage if we take on a senior role like this. Operation Sophia has been mentioned. The Minister stated in his speech recently that Ireland would not take part in aspects of Operation Sophia that lay outside of the UN mandate. Should we be involved in Operation Sophia at all if it takes part in such actions? Is it appropriate? There is a question over what Ireland should do if actions take place in breach of that mandate.

Points have also been raised on the question of equipment. Ireland's purchases of military hardware and weaponry from Israel are a matter of concern. I have a further concern over our support for the military hardware industry and was very concerned to read in the Cork newspapers this weekend, for example, of the involvement of the Irish Naval Service in the testing and thus effectively the promotion of military equipment. Perhaps the witnesses might clarify whether or not we have control over where that equipment in sold and whether it is used in situations outside of the triple-lock mandate; I imagine that we do not. Is it appropriate that we be addressing our resources towards a private company's manufacture of equipment in that way? These are some of my central concerns. I also think that concerns over the mandate of the British army need to be addressed. If we have a strategy then we need to know, not just that it will be responsive, but that it recognises the key concerns and dangers currently facing us in 2017 and indicates how Ireland hopes to address them.