Lord Alderdice:

I thank the Chairman and his colleagues for their thoughtful questions and interventions. First, on the questions raised by Senator Boyhan about the island of Ireland and the question of special status for Northern Ireland, I think there will be a degree of resistance to the notion of a special status for Northern Ireland, particularly if it gives Northern Ireland itself a different relationship with the EU than the rest of the United Kingdom. I think there would be an instinctive difficulty about that, especially if one speaks about it in broad terms. One of the lessons from the negotiations on the Good Friday Agreement was that when people talked in terms of broad principles, they tended to divide. When they talked about practicalities, however, very often it was possible to get an understanding.

I remember when we were talking, for example, about issues like animal health, where we recognised the island as a whole is a kind of natural quarantine, there was very little resistance from the DUP. Indeed, I remember someone asking Dr. Paisley, on the question of European funding for farming and so on, how he squared the fact that, on the one hand, he was very anti-EU but, on the other, he was quite happy to engage when it concerned agriculture. To which his characteristic response was that the people are British but the cows are Irish. I think there is something interesting there because he recognised, as Senator Boyhan did, how important agriculture is for the island and how we have a natural quarantine. It may be worth exploring whether the island as a whole would have some special context within Europe. For example, Senator Boyhan said that animals and food products move around within the island and we are all very aware that if it comes to something like BSE or foot and mouth disease, the island as a whole has to take action, not just the North or the South.

We are separated by the water that protects us as well as sometimes isolates us. There could be mileage in looking to the EU for some special arrangement on specific areas, such as agriculture and agribusiness, and to ask the EU if it would accept, for practical reasons such as disease control and the economy, that the entire island of Ireland would have a special status, not in every area but in this area. There could be other areas as well, but if we look at the specifics and the practicalities, and the fact our island status has sometimes created problems for us but also has advantages, maybe there is something that can be done.

Can this be done with the DUP? I think it can. There is a much greater openness to these things now than there was before. We should not underestimate the effect of the changed security situation and the changed attitudes in the country. There has been a liberalisation of the economy and of many attitudes, North and South, which means many people not only in the younger generation but in the older generation feel less anxiety and antipathy. Senator Boyhan asked how attitudes in the North might have changed or be changing and he linked it to the importance of finance and the economy. He is right about this, but it is not just this. Attitudes have eased up and loosened up.

For many years, many of us said those who wanted to bring people together with the use of violence were on the wrong track altogether. One does not bring people together with the use of violence. One brings people together when they can relate without anxieties and concerns and they get to know each other, and I think this has happened. It is the case that many people in the unionist community are looking at the prospects for the future in a different way and with a different set of attitudes than would have been the case even ten years ago and certainly 20 or 30 years ago. If we can continue working together more and more on things, the future with decide itself, and do so peacefully and democratically, through people building relationships with each other. Agriculture is one place and there are many other places. Sport is a place for competition, but it is also a place where we can have common identity with each other. I am not negative about this, on the contrary.

In a sense this leads us to Senator Paul Daly's questions on the current political situation. Sometimes I joke when people ask me what I think will happen that I am the son of Presbyterian Minister and not the son of a prophet. I had absolutely no idea what the outcome of the election would be and I was no better than anybody else in working that out. However, it seems to me that some important things have changed. There has been a lot of talk, in particular perhaps in England, about the potential negative nature of the dependence of Prime Minister Theresa May on DUP votes and I understand this. However, one of the concerns might have been that the Prime Minister might not have been paying attention to the relationship with Ireland, North and South, and I remember in April when we had a debate on this question I noted the Prime Minister had not always paid attention. When she was Home Secretary she did not pay attention in the creation of the National Crime Agency to the fact there was a land border for which it would be responsible. When I asked whether there had been discussions with the Minister for Justice and Equality in Ireland there was no thought of it. It was not that there was an intention to snub, it just had not been thought about. She will not be able not to think about Ireland, North and South, because of the DUP, ironically perhaps. Do I think that will be negative? Not necessarily. When it comes to questions such as agriculture and animal health, and issues such as the air passenger duty for flights, the need to ensure energy co-operation and the electricity interconnector, I think we will find the DUP is much more concerned about some of these economic concerns now than it is about issues of social legislation being expanded to the rest of the United Kingdom. The DUP will keep Ireland, North and South, on the agenda and that will be helpful.

When people talk, as some have, with a good deal of anxiety about the consequences for the Good Friday Agreement of the DUP been involved, not in coalition but in a confidence and supply arrangement, I have said to them they are complaining about that degree of co-operation but they were telling us what a wonderful thing it was when some of our parties went into government with it in Northern Ireland. Although it may or may not please everybody in the Chamber, it is not unlikely that at some point in the future there will be a coalition government here in the rest of the Ireland in which Sinn Féin will play a part. Will people say that is the end of the Good Friday Agreement? I do not think so. I do not think even the DUP will say it is an end of it. On the contrary, it will say it is an outcome of democracy and we have to find a way of working with it.

I am much less anxious and concerned than some. I understand the concerns but, for example, the Chairman asked about devolved administrations being heard and one of the problems for Wales and Scotland is they have Governments of a different political complexion from the Government in London and, therefore, there is not an immediate set of relationships, whereas the situation for Northern Ireland is there will have to be constant conversations between the leaders and chief whips. Scotland and Wales will have their difficulties but, having said that, my impression is the Prime Minister understands and is committed to trying to keep the United Kingdom and relationships in these islands together rather than them going apart under her watch. There will be moves, but especially in Northern Ireland.

Paradoxically, the dependence on the DUP may be a helpful thing. Is it possible the big enemy may be the other Twenty-six Counties? I would not like to speak about it being an enemy, but it is a challenge and we need to recognise that it is a challenge. This is a good reason for working together. I very much hope that colleagues here will see the opportunities and imperative of ensuring good relationships between this House and its Members and colleagues in all the political parties in Northern Ireland as well as with the Government in London. I am anxious, as everyone is, but I am not as pessimistic as some are if we work together on it.