Eamon Gilmore (Dún Laoghaire, Labour) | Oireachtas source

What I will do is try to answer the questions thematically. If I miss individual questions I will happily follow them up if members wish.

The general theme referred to by Deputies Smith, O’Sullivan, Durkan and Byrne was the growing number of conflicts in the world at present. Deputy O’Sullivan drew an analogy between the enthusiasm of people in countries that have been long deprived of democratic rights to exercise their vote with the complacency we are beginning to see not just in this country but in many democratic countries where there is an attitude that democracy can be taken for granted, that somebody else will decide, and that there is no responsibility on citizenship.

First, we must reflect on the fact that we are fortunate to live in a part of the world where we have democratic governance, where we can elect and change governments by exercising the will of the people. We live in societies where we have fundamental, democratic civil rights, where human rights are protected by law, where the rule of law prevails and compared with the appalling poverty we see in many parts of the world we have relatively good living standards. Let us contrast that with what we now see, namely, the situation right across north Africa, the Middle East, Ukraine and what is happening in central Africa, which has been taking place over a period, where there is a growing number of conflicts. What is happening in Syria is astonishing in terms of its scale. The worst humanitarian crisis we have seen in modern times is occurring in Syria and it has disappeared off the media radar. It is no longer a news item. We are talking about a situation in Syria for example where deliberate attempts are being made by the regime to starve people out of cities, to close the cities down and force people to surrender through starvation, yet what is happening in Syria has disappeared off the radar.

Discussion is taking place on a period of commemoration of the events that happened 100 years ago. Arguably, this time 100 years ago, before the First World War started, the world was a more peaceful place than it is today. We have lived through a period of relative peace, certainly in this part of the world, in recent decades but that is at risk. When one looks at the range of conflicts that is taking place and the interlocking nature of some of the conflicts – probably the most dramatic example of that is Iraq and Syria at the moment - it is correct to say that, for the most part, the border posts between Iraq and Syria are now under the control of ISIS. Of note is the scale of the displacement of people, the suffering, the killings that are taking place and the fact that those conflicts are either being engineered, orchestrated or exploited by forces who have a deeply anti-democratic, fundamentalist, reactionary agenda that will drive society backwards.

The nature of conflict now is very different from 100 years ago. Young people from various countries are participating in the conflicts of other countries and taking their skills home with them. That is happening in Kenya, for example. When I was in Kenya I spoke to people there about the extent to which for example, young people from poor areas of Nairobi are recruited by al-Shabab. They do their bit in Somalia and then go back home bringing their terrorist trade home with them. There is a degree of complacency about what is going on. We are going through a period in our history that is extremely dangerous, which has the potential to cause conflict on a scale that we have not known in our lifetime that will have an impact on the lives of people who live in comfort in western societies such as Ireland that is far deeper, longer and worse than the cost of petrol rising in forecourts of petrol stations.

The frustrating aspect is the inability of the international community in many respects to deal with it. The structures of the United Nations, particularly the structures of the Security Council, are not fit for purpose in the modern world. I refer to the idea that a number of large states could have inherited a veto from the end of the Second World War and apply that now in circumstances where we need international institutions to be able to respond quickly and effectively. That is the kind of environment in which we are operating.

On the issue of Ukraine, the questions asked were on our position with regard to sanctions. The Foreign Minister of Ukraine, Minister Klimkin, came to the Foreign Affairs Council on Monday and gave us a comprehensive briefing on the 15-point peace plan proposed by President Poroshenko. We have to take some positives from some of the actions taken by Russia including the fact that there has been some change in the decisions with regard to troops and the mandate given for, effectively, invasion of Ukraine; the fact that there is some dialogue between President Putin and President Poroshenko; the three-way discussions taking place between Russia, Ukraine and the OSCE; and the important role the OSCE is playing in that area.

In that context, the European Union is continuing to provide the financial supports it has committed to Ukraine to help with its economy. The decision has been made to go ahead with the remaining parts of the association agreement, including the trade agreement element of that, and we expect that will be signed at the European Council meeting later this week. There is also the agreement to send out a Common Security and Defence Policy, CSDP, mission on civilian security.

Work is continuing on the preparation of the third phase of sanctions. It was always envisaged that this third phase of sanctions would be exercised if the situation deteriorated, and that remains the position. We want to see progress made, and there is potential and some positive signs in that regard, and we will encourage that. The European Union will be ready with the third phase of sanctions if that becomes necessary.

Some Deputies asked about the position on ISIS and people from different countries becoming involved in ISIS. While I am sorting my notes on that I will refer to the Middle East peace process. In reply to Deputy Crowe, my understanding is that the hunger strike is ending. My information on that is relatively fresh. The intention is that the Middle East peace process will be discussed at the July meeting of the Foreign Affairs Council. The approach the European Union has taken was very much to support the initiative taken by Secretary of State John Kerry and the United States Administration in seeking to get an agreed settlement. There were very high hopes that this would succeed. We had a discussion in Vilnius last September with Secretary of State Kerry at the beginning of that process where the approach taken by the European Union was to support what Secretary of State Kerry was doing, work very closely with him, as we have done, and try to get that to work. Those discussions have now stalled. That is a pity. Now that they have stalled the European Union has to consider the steps it needs to take to assert its own position on the Middle East peace process.

I have been pressing for a comprehensive discussion on the Middle East peace process at the Foreign Affairs Council for some time. That will now take place in July. It is my view that we have to take very firm action with regard to the spread of settlements. The continuing spread of settlements will make the two-state solution physically impossible. In terms of the response required, earlier this year the European Union issued guidelines on research activity. That had a significant impact. We have to take a very robust position on business activity in the settlement areas, discouraging European companies from engaging in business activity in the occupied territories. The plan was that there would be a European Union-wide guidelines on labelling. We will support that. That would be very effective if it is done across the European Union. I have always said that if it was not possible to get agreement at European Union level, Ireland would consider doing that independently as a state. That remains the position but I am reasonably confident that agreement can be secured at European Union level on a labelling regime, and I hope that will be the outcome of the July meeting.

Various other issues were raised. The humanitarian situation in south Sudan is very serious. There are concerns about food security. Our information is that as of 9 April, there were 803,200 internally displaced persons, IDPs, reported. This issue is receiving a good deal of attention from Ireland.

Regarding Irish support to south Sudan in 2015, Irish Aid disbursed €2.5 million to the common humanitarian fund for south Sudan. We have also provided a further €1.5 million this year to that fund. In addition, since January, 45 tonnes of emergency supplies worth approximately €400,000 have been supplied, and a further 36 tonnes worth €370,000 have been supplied. A further €1.3 million has been provided to non-governmental organisations, NGOs, in the area.

On the arrest of Ibrahim Ishag, I welcome the release of Ms Ishag and her children from prison in Sudan on Monday. I understand the family were detained at Sudan Airport yesterday and that there are some issues to be resolved before the family is free to travel. We will keep a very close eye on that situation.

Deputy O'Sullivan asked about the free trade agreements. With regard to the position on the Colombia and Peru-EU free trade agreement, the intention is that this will be brought to the Dáil for approval. There will be debate and a vote on it. My understanding is that the Minister, Deputy Bruton, will bring that to the Dáil some time in the course of the year. I should add that a standard feature of trade agreements between the European Union and other states is a robust human rights clause. Furthermore, the Government agreed this week to the adoption of a national plan here for dealing with the issue of human rights and business activity. The United Nations adopted guidelines to address the interface between human rights and business activity in 2011.

This became part of the European Union's framework document on human rights and this week, the Irish Government agreed there will be an Irish national plan to give effect to that and the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade will be the lead Department in its development.

On the opening of the Irish Embassy in Bangkok, members are aware that last January, as part of its decision to open eight missions, the Government decided that Bangkok would be one of those. This of course was before the military takeover in Thailand. While the Government must consider this again in light of what has happened there, the number of Irish visitors to Thailand is very high, at approximately 65,000 per year. There is a high demand, for example, for consular services. The existence of diplomatic relations and the location of embassies are not based on whether one does or does not like a particular government or regime in a country. The Government must address this on the basis of what is the need for services. The current position is that Ireland has proposed an ambassador for Thailand, which requires the agreement of the Thai Government. We are awaiting its response on that and obviously, in the meantime we are considering the practical arrangements for it.

On the issue regarding the Golan Heights region raised by Deputy Maureen O'Sullivan, there was a series of Israeli air strikes on Syrian army targets in the Golan Heights area earlier this week, following the killing of an Israeli teenager. My information is that all the necessary precautions were taken by the Irish contingent in the United Nations Disengagement Observer Force, UNDOF, on the Golan Heights and that all the personnel are safe. I will take this opportunity to convey to all our troops who are working in peacekeeping missions abroad my best wishes and support. I am sure I echo the position of the joint committee regarding those who serve for Ireland on missions abroad such as the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon, UNIFIL, UNDOF, as well as many missions in Africa, training missions and so on and it is opportune to send them our best wishes. On the issue of the embassy to the Vatican, the Villa Spada now is the embassy and residence of Ireland's embassy to Italy. The arrangement for the embassy to the Holy See will be that rented premises will be obtained for it. Ireland recently has appointed an ambassador to the Holy See, namely, Ambassador Emma Madigan and I am sure the joint committee will wish her well in her new posting.

The question was raised on what is the information with regard to Irish people participating in fighting in Syria. This is a matter that is being monitored closely by the Department of Justice and Equality and the Garda. It is a matter of grave concern to Ireland and to all European Union member states that citizens or people from European states are involved. My understanding is the estimate of Irish nationals who have gone to fight in Syria is somewhere between 30 and 40. The Garda Síochána has been engaged proactively in outreach to the Muslim community in Ireland for more than a decade with a view to enlisting its co-operation, which has been secured, in countering radicalisation. This programme is widely admired internationally as best practice and the Garda has been asked to share its experience on that matter with other European Union member states.

May I ask whether there is a particular matter on which I have not picked up?