Oireachtas Joint and Select Committees

Thursday, 8 May 2014

Joint Oireachtas Committee on the Implementation of the Good Friday Agreement

UN Security Council Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace and Security: Discussion

10:25 am

Ms Liz McManus:

I thank Chair. That the Chair and the committee have agreed to receive us to make a presentation is much appreciated. I wish to set out the international context to the United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325, the Good Friday Agreement and its relevance in respect of what has happened to women and what is not happening to women in Northern Ireland and in Border areas.

UNSCR 1325 is all about the unique and disproportionate impact of conflict on women. We have a stark reminder of that impact given that hundreds of Nigerian schoolgirls have been abducted by armed terrorists. This is not unique to Nigeria. It has also happened in Afghanistan and Pakistan. It was noteworthy that Malala Yousafzai, who was shot in the face by the Taliban for going to school, referred to these young girls as her sisters. It is a global issue of which we are all cognisant. That is the reason the UN agreed on a resolution and the reason Ireland, in response, has a national action plan to implement the principles of that resolution.

As a monitoring group, we must ensure the NAP is functioning. We have a clear balance between civil society organisations, the Departments, agencies and academia represented on the monitoring group. Within the group we have concerns about Northern Ireland because it is in rather an anomalous situation in that the Republic of Ireland has a national action plan which is published and up and running and has been reviewed while the UK has a national action plan which is outward looking but does not refer to Northern Ireland because the British Government considers that the Troubles in Northern Ireland were not of an armed conflict nature. There is a lacuna there, and it is matter of great concern to women in Northern Ireland who are dealing with the issues of post-conflict situations, whether domestic violence or lack of women's participation. These are important central issues and yet they are not being addressed within the context of the 1325 principles. That is central to the reason we are appearing before the committee.

Within the NAP, commitments have been made by the Irish State in two areas which are particularly important. One is in respect of funding and support for women's organisations to encourage participation, representation and decision-making. During the question and answer session I will invite Ms Orlaith Fitzmaurice to outline that commitment because a considerable amount of financial and technical support has been provided in accordance with that specified in the NAP. The second commitment in Ireland's national action plan is to promote the principles of UNSCR 1325. There are issues in that principle on which we seek support and action by the committee.

The national action plan was launched in 2011. While I had nothing to do with the plan, it is a very good one with very specific and very clear targets, some of which are achievable and some not. We have been able to review the plan to see how we have succeeded in meeting those targets. The review was carried out by Karen McMinn and Bronagh Hinds who produced the mid-term progress report. Therefore, we have much information about the need for data collection and about where the achievements and failures have been. There are two achievements I wish to highlight - Irish Aid overseas and Anglo-Irish funding which has been provided. There is also a very interesting development of which many people are not aware in relation to the Defence Forces. We have very active participation in UN missions. Within the Irish Defence Forces, a progressive approach has been taken on the promotion of women and the encouragement and participation of women in peace building. That is something of which we can be proud.

One of the difficulties highlighted in the review is the challenges in respect of Northern Ireland. Northern Ireland is not covered in either NAP. We have a difficulty in relation to the British Government which considers that this was not an armed conflict and, therefore, the aftermath of armed conflict is not included in any specific way in the British NAP. Obviously, we have our limitations.

The Good Friday Agreement addresses this issue in certain ways. It commits the UK and Irish Governments to provide for "the right of women to full and equal political participation" and achieve "the advancement of women in public life". While these might be considered to be very general points, they specifically place an onus on those who signed up to the Agreement to promote the role of women in peacebuilding and ensure their role in public life is advanced . The report the United Kingdom submitted to the United Nations in 2009, on the occasion of the 15th anniversary of the Beijing Platform for Action, acknowledged that "within Northern Ireland, UNSCR 1325 is widely acknowledged as an important international commitment to women’s equality and empowerment, particularly as regards women's access to politics, public life and decision-making". They are saying it is important, but they are not following through on it in the way that is needed.

One of the advances was the establishment within the Northern Ireland Assembly of an all-party committee to advance the principles of UN Resolution 1325. The committee which is chaired by Paula Bradley, MLA, who represents the DUP held hearings at Stormont before Christmas through the Associate Parliamentary Group on Women, Peace and Security at Westminster. I was asked to sit in on these meetings as an observer. I am very pleased that the Northern Ireland Women's European Platform which was involved in this received financial support from the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade. The all-party committee heard wide-ranging evidence from groups such as the Northern Ireland Equality Commission, the Northern Ireland Human Rights Commission, women's groups and political parties. The whole gamut was represented at the hearings. I would like to refer to some of the key issues raised. The Northern Ireland Human Rights Commission stated in its submission that it believed UN Resolution 1325 was central to women's representation and participation and could play a key role in addressing the legacy of the past and promoting good community relations. The legacy of the years of violence, in its various manifestations, was largely dealt with in private session, which in itself is an indication of its sensitivity. This legacy can manifest in domestic violence or the control of local communities by paramilitaries. Many woman said they did not feel able to speak out because of the historical control that still pertained.

It might not be a surprise that women have a low participation rate in Northern Ireland politics, given that the rate is low here, too. However, the quota changes being introduced here indicate that we are making progress. Serious issues must be confronted in a society that is, in a sense, reconstructing itself if women are to have their place in the sun. Just 23% of local councillors and 19% of MLAs in Northern Ireland are women. In fact, just one quarter of the candidates standing in the local elections are women. That is a source of dissatisfaction and concern for women who are organising at community level and in non-governmental organisations, etc. I think there was just one woman at the Haass talks, for example. When we are planning for the future, we should consider the women who were promised opportunities through the Good Friday Agreement but have not actually been able to achieve them. That is an important central plank of what we are saying.

In 2013 the committee on the Convention for the Elimination of Discrimination of Women concluded that the UK Government should "ensure the participation of women in the post-conflict process in Northern Ireland in line with Security Council Resolution 1325". On a recent visit to Northern Ireland the UN Special Rapporteur on Violence against Women, Rashida Manjoo, called for the development of initiatives in Northern Ireland "to ensure the increased participation of women at all levels of decision making and in mechanisms for the prevention, management and resolution of conflict." While these are important principles, we have to be realistic. It does not seem likely that the British Government will change one of its basic policies on Northern Ireland by drawing up a national action plan for Northern Ireland, or by including Northern Ireland in the UK national action plan. It is a tribute to the resourcefulness of the women in Northern Ireland who are engaging with this issue that they are working on the basis of establishing the principles of UN Resolution 1325. That is what matters. It does not matter what it is called - the principle of enabling women to participate in power-sharing and peace-building is what is important. A great deal is being done, particularly at civil society level, to bring this to a greater level.

We are asking members of the joint committee which has obviously been charged with examining the Good Friday Agreement and considerable influence in that regard to promote the cause of UN Resolution 1325 with their counterparts in the United Kingdom and civil society organisations and encourage implementation of the principles of the resolution. We are also seeking the help of the committee in the consultation process being engaged in by the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade on the next national action plan. We have all felt a greater assessment of the situation in Northern Ireland should be made. More thought should be given to how we can make progress as regards women. We cannot have a lasting peace without their being involved. We cannot ignore the fact that they suffered hugely during the Troubles. I appreciate that men suffered aoso but women suffered in particular ways.

I was very struck by two points that came up at the hearings and a subsequent conference. First, a woman who was speaking about domestic violence, which tends to be a real issue in post-conflict situations, made the point that women were often trammelled in speaking out against perpetrators. This might be because the perpetrator is a prisoner who has been let out on licence, for example. A woman might be concerned that reporting this crime might affect the peace process. Regardless of the reasons for this silencing, there is a need for what has been expressed in the safety of these discussions to be heard. The second point that struck me was made by a woman from a loyalist community who said she felt the continuing control of paramilitaries in her community meant that women had no means of expressing their needs or participating in decision-making in the community. As long as that historical control still pertains, we have to be conscious that we do not have true peace in its full meaning.

UN Resolution 1325 certainly gives us possibilities and opportunities to do good. The Republic of Ireland has played a leading role, with other countries, in making sure we live up to our obligations. This is part of our obligations. I am very grateful to the joint committee for giving us an opportunity to speak. I will ask Ms Keleher to say a little from the Department's point of view.

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