Mark Daly (Fianna Fail)
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We now move onto No. 60(1), motion regarding the EU-Israel Association Agreement. The time limits of the combined speeches of the proposer and seconder shall not exceed 16 minutes and all other Senators have six minutes.

Fiona O'Loughlin (Fianna Fail)
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I move:

That Seanad Éireann: - expresses its deepest concern regarding several measures by the Israeli Government, including executive decisions, military decisions and laws adopted by the Knesset, that contravene human rights and violate international law and international humanitarian law;

- deplores the fact that direct calls for the Government of Israel to fully comply with its international and moral obligations, and to revert those measures, have been ignored;

- accepts the need of the European Union (EU) to uphold its moral and political responsibility, and to defend the very core values that have underpinned the European project since its foundation;

- agrees that respect for human rights must remain a fundamental pillar and guiding principle of all our actions and of all EU relationships with partners;

- believes that the European Union can no longer remain silent or inactive in the face of such breaches; and condemns: - - the shocking treatment of EU citizens from the Sumud Flotilla, illegally detained by Israeli Defence Forces in international waters;

- the unacceptable behaviour of Israeli Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir who has posted videos of their mistreatment on social media; and recognises that the recent approval of the death penalty by the Israeli Parliament is: - a grave violation of fundamental human rights;

- a step backwards in Israel’s commitment to democratic principles;

- a violation of Article 2 of the EU-Israel Association Agreement;

- an additional step in the systematic persecution, oppression, violence and discrimination exerted against the Palestinian population; and further recognises that:

- conditions in Gaza are unbearable, marked by continuous violations of the ceasefire agreement and the clearly insufficient entry of humanitarian aid into the Gaza Strip;

- the situation in the West Bank is rapidly deteriorating, with escalating violence against Palestinians;

- radical settlers are acting with absolute impunity, and alongside ongoing military operations by the Israel Defense Forces, resulting in the intolerable deaths of innocent civilians;

- statements by extremist Ministers of the Israeli Government are inciting dangerous levels of violence;

- the ongoing expansion of Israeli illegal settlements in the West Bank is a deliberate attempt to undermine the viability of the two-state solution, a policy to which the EU is committed, and to secure the long-term security of the region;

- recurrent attacks against religious freedom and its exercise by Muslims and Christians are challenging the traditional status quo of the Holy Land;

- the interception of civilian vessels by Israeli forces and the illegal detention and treatment of those onboard are the latest examples of a pattern of behaviour that has seen Israel’s growing disregard for international norms and its failure to meet its obligations under international law;

- these developments are causing unacceptable human suffering, undermining the implementation of the two-state solution and threatening the viability of the Palestinian state;

- the military operations being carried out with absolute disregard for international law and international humanitarian law, are destroying civilian infrastructure and forcing Lebanese citizens to leave their homes with no prospect of coming back, and must stop immediately;

- more than 1.2 million people have already been forced to leave their homes, according to the United Nations, further aggravating the humanitarian crisis;

- statements by Israeli authorities, announcing the intentions of occupying the Lebanese territory south of the Litani River, and to obliterate the houses of the Lebanese civil population is a flagrant violation of international law; and understands that: - the European Union cannot continue with a ‘business as usual’ approach to Israel, when it behaves in a way that is so fundamentally at odds with our basic principles and values as a Union;

- there has been a clear assessment by the European External Action Service that Israel is not in line with its obligations under Article 2 of the EU-Israel Association Agreement; and calls for: - - the suspension of the EU-Israel Association Agreement.

Mark Daly (Fianna Fail)
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The debate will follow the normal pattern. Each Senator has six minutes and we will call on Senator Alice-Mary Higgins to move a proposed amendment.

Fiona O'Loughlin (Fianna Fail)
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On behalf of the Fianna Fáil grouping in the Seanad, I am very pleased to move this motion. The motion is very clear in what it attempts to do. It is expressing our very deepest concern regarding several measures by the Israeli Government that contravene human rights and violate international law and international humanitarian law and condemns the shocking treatment of EU citizens, including Irish citizens, from the Sumud flotilla. The flotilla was illegally detained by the Israel Defense Forces in international waters. It specifically calls out the unacceptable behaviour of Israeli Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir, who posted videos of their mistreatment on social media. It refers to the recent approval of the death penalty by the Israeli Parliament as a very grave violation of fundamental human rights and then covers a number of different areas.

Why did we bring this forward at this time?The motion very much looks at the EU-Israel Association Agreement, which was agreed in 2000. It is a treaty granting Israel preferential trade and access and establishing political co-operation with the EU. It includes a binding human rights clause that has become very central to a lot of the debates that we are having currently. I wish to acknowledge and support that the Taoiseach contacted the President of the EU Council last week. In that contact, he expressed very grave concern regarding the shocking treatment of EU citizens from the Global Sumud Flotilla, which was illegally detained by the IDF, as well as expressing grave concern about the very unacceptable behaviour of the Minister, Itamar Ben-Gvir. Many of us have seen footage of how the Minister treated these people with absolute contempt and tried to make a laugh of them. It was absolutely shocking. We cannot have a situation where the EU continues with a business-as-usual approach to Israel when it is behaving in a way that is so fundamentally at odds with the very basic principles and values of the European Union.

Within the Fianna Fáil Party, we believe that action is absolutely required at EU level. At the very least, this must include the banning of products from Israeli settlements and the suspension of parts, if not all, of the EU-Israel Association Agreement. I acknowledge that the Taoiseach has requested an urgent discussion on this among EU leaders at the next meeting of the European Council, which is happening on 18 and 19 June when it is due to discuss the situation in the Middle East. It has always been the Taoiseach's view and our view that it is far preferable to see action at a European level as we believe that would be far more impactful than unilateral national action.

The core argument for suspending the agreement centres on Article 2 of the agreement, which makes respect for human rights and democratic principles an essential element of the treaty. It is our view that Israel's conduct constitutes an absolute breach of this clause, and therefore, legally should trigger suspension. UN experts have stated that Israel's actions amount to genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes, making continued preferential trade incompatible with EU human rights. We all recognise and know this, but it always important to put on the record that recognised bodies are recognising this as well. There have been systemic violations of international humanitarian law. The International Court of Justice, ICJ, found that Israeli policies violate Article 3 on prohibiting racial segregation and apartheid. Over 1 million European citizens have signed the European citizen initiative demanding suspension. More than 90 humanitarian and human rights organisations have demanded suspension. That suspension is both legally justified and morally necessary.

Ireland has consistently made clear that each of the EU's bilateral relationships must be grounded in respect for international law and our fundamental principles. We have consistently drawn attention to the EU's strong opposition to Israel's settlement policy and activities and to all actions that undermine the viability of the two-state solution, including extremist settler violence. In response to a request from a number of Ministers, on 20 May last year the EU Foreign Affairs Council agreed to a review of the EU-Israel Association Agreement. That decision reflected the grave concerns held by member states regarding ongoing Israeli military operations and the dire humanitarian situation in Gaza. It is clear from the finalised review that Israel is in breach of its human rights obligations. That is significant in itself. We all know how long sometimes it can take to get agreement and get final significant findings. Ireland has always been very forthright at EU level that there must be concrete options for follow-up action to this review. The review cannot just happen on its own and have findings that are not acted on.

In advance of the April 2026 Foreign Affairs Council, the foreign Ministers of Ireland, Spain and Slovenia wrote to request a discussion on the EU-Israel Association Agreement at the next meeting of Ministers. At that time in that correspondence, the three Ministers from those three countries called for the suspension of the association agreement. At the May 2026 Foreign Affairs Council, foreign Ministers finally reached political agreement on the Commission's proposal to sanction extremist Israeli settlers and entities, as well as leading Hamas figures. This followed the decision of the new Hungarian Government to lift its previous veto on the proposal. That is important. That is why the change in the Hungarian Government was important in terms of how we move forward. At that meeting, the Minister, Deputy McEntee, welcomed the decision on sanctions, and once again called on the EU to suspend the EU-Israel Association Agreement or at a minimum to suspend the trade elements of the agreement as previously proposed by the European Commission.

When we look at the statistics and figures we see that trade relations are important. Israel is the EU's 27th largest trading partner, representing about 0.8% of the EU's total trade in goods with the world in 2025. Israel is the EU's third biggest trading partner in the Mediterranean region after Morocco and Egypt. The EU is Israel's biggest trading partner, accounting for 31.7% of Israel's total trade in goods with the world in 2025. A total of 33.1% of Israel's imports came from the EU while 29.4% of the country's exports went to the EU. The total trade in goods between the EU and Israel in 2025 amounted to €43.3 billion. We all know, sadly, that the situation in Gaza has deteriorated since the outbreak of the conflict with Iran. Humanitarian conditions remain dire and life threatening, with the humanitarian aid operating environment massively constrained by Israeli-imposed import restrictions and impeded movement of UN agencies and NGOs. As a country and as a nation, we continue to have very grave concerns about the worsening humanitarian situation in Gaza. Since the Gaza ceasefire, 834 Palestinians in Gaza have been killed and over 2,300 injured in Israeli military operations. There is also very deep concern regarding the sharply deteriorating situation in the West Bank, particularly the massive expansion of settlements and the rampant and escalating settler violence, which continues in an atmosphere of impunity. Israeli military operations have displaced at least 40,000 people since January 2025 and have caused widespread destruction of civilian infrastructure and homes.

I wish to raise some of the recent legislation in Israel, which is absolutely shocking.On 30 March, the Israeli Knesset passed a Bill mandating death by hanging as the default punishment for West Bank residents convicted of terrorist acts by a military court. The law will apply differently in the West Bank and in Israel. In the West Bank, Israeli citizens and residents are explicitly excluded, with the legislation specifying that it shall not apply to them. This is basically targeting nationalistic motives attributed to Palestinians while effectively exempting Israeli citizens. Compounding this unequal treatment, Palestinians in the West Bank are tried in military courts and Israelis are tried in civilian courts.

Ireland as a country has condemned the law passed by the Israeli Parliament to expand the scope of the death penalty. Ireland is consistently and strongly opposed to the use of the death penalty in all cases and in all circumstances, but we have to be particularly concerned about the discriminatory nature of the law as it relates to Palestinians. The implementation of this law would give rise to very serious breaches of international human rights law and international humanitarian law.

In regard to the flotilla, we know that an Israeli interception operation began on 18 May. Fourteen Irish citizens were detained over the course of these operations between 18 and 19 May. The detainees began to arrive at Ashdod port in the early hours of the morning of 20 May. That afternoon, video footage circulated by Israel's national security minister showed detained participants, including Irish citizens, being treated with an incredible lack of dignity and respect. In response, the Taoiseach and the Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade made statements condemning this treatment as well as demanding the immediate release of the Irish citizens. At that point the Taoiseach wrote again to the President of the European Council, António Costa, to express grave concern regarding the shocking treatment of EU citizens from the Sumud flotilla and the unacceptable behaviour of the minister. Thankfully, we know that the detainees were released and are safely home, but it is shocking to listen to their stories about how they were treated. We in this House have to absolutely condemn the way they were treated on a humanitarian mission bringing humanitarian aid. While they were in the detention centre and at Ramon international airport, a team from the Irish Embassy went to meet with them to give consular advice to Irish citizens but that was not permitted. That too is shocking.

As violations of international law continue in Gaza and the West Bank in an atmosphere of impunity, the treatment of the participants of the Global Sumud Flotilla is yet another expression of Israel's disregard for the rule of law and, as such, forms part of a pattern of behaviour that the Government has consistently argued requires an appropriate response by the EU. I commend this motion to the House.

Shane Curley (Fianna Fail)
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I second the motion.

Michael McDowell (Independent)
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I welcome the Minister of State here today. I also welcome the motion tabled by Senator O'Loughlin. I agree with everything stated therein.

In the immediate aftermath of 7 October 2023, I spoke in this House about what was likely to happen as a result. I pointed out, more or less with uncanny accuracy, what the result would be if Benjamin Netanyahu unleashed military force on Gaza. Some 70,000 people have been killed in Gaza since. Nothing in the horrific attack perpetrated by Hamas on innocent people on 7 October 2023 justifies the ferocity of what has been done. The demolition of civilian infrastructure, the reduction of Gaza to a heap of rubble, the bombing of hospitals and ambulances, the random execution by snipers of people in food queues and the torture of persons detained, including sexual torture in Israel by the Israel Defense Forces – all of these things are undeniable.

We talk about international law but, as somebody who has always believed in the right of Israel to exist within its internationally recognised borders, the situation has now been arrived at whereby Israel and the Israeli Government have whipped up such hostility and revulsion across the world at what they are doing that they have done more damage to the idea of a Jewish state and to the reputation of that state than any of their rabid critics could ever have imagined. Decent people right across the world see what is happening. It is about time that we, together at a European Union level, did something rather than simply condemn or make speeches about what has happened and what is happening.

If we look at what is happening in south-west Syria, southern Lebanon, the Gaza Strip and the West Bank, in all of those places Zionist Israel is expanding and grabbing land in breach of every principle of the United Nations charter, in every possible way – unfortunately with disgraceful American support from the Trump Administration. Some $21 billion has been given to them in military subsidies since 7 October, which has largely been spent in attacking innocent people.

It is all very well to get outraged about a crucifix being defiled or a statue of Our Lady being mocked or whatever else. In those circumstances the Israeli Government immediately promises criminal action against the soldiers involved, but 70,000 people and probably 30,000 children lie dead in Gaza as a result of that Government's activities. Let us remember too that Hamas was held out by the right-wing Israeli people, ministers such as Ben-Gvir and Smotrich in the Israeli coalition Government, effectively as an agent or a guarantor that there would never be a two-state solution to the Israeli-Arab conflict. It is not as if Hamas was something whose creation the right wing in Israel opposed; quite the reverse, they welcomed it because it damaged moderate Palestinian control over the Palestinian areas in Israel.

Europe, and in particular Britain and Germany, and to some extent France, do not have to listen to Ireland alone, because Spain is a reasonable country. They should listen to the voices of ordinary people right across Europe and they should most certainly take this opportunity now to suspend the agreement mentioned in the motion, to get across to Israel that there are costs involved in cruelty to defenceless people, that there are penalties to be paid for violating international law and that the judgment of history, which will be condign and merciless in the last analysis for what Israel has done and is doing, is not to be delayed to some future date but calls for implementation now. Therefore, I support this motion.

Garret Ahearn (Fine Gael)
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I also commend this motion put forward by Fianna Fáil Senators and Senator O’Loughlin. The suspension of the EU-Israel Association Agreement is something we have been calling for as a country and as a Government for a long time. It was really only Ireland and Spain who were the lone voices at the start. Thankfully, we have a number of countries now that are open to it. I think there are 17 or 18 countries open to it, but it is incredibly frustrating after seeing what has been going on for almost three years. The atrocities that have been happening include violations of international law, cruelty of the worst kind to innocent people and 70,000 people dying, including 30,000 children of whom 3,000 were under the age of one. They were never even able to walk and were murdered by bombs landing on schools and hospitals.

At the same time, we have countries that seem to be too scared or too closely aligned to Israel that they cannot speak up and say what is blindingly obvious to everyone else. What is encouraging is that the citizens of those countries are speaking up and, I hope, putting pressure on their governments. Although we have different views in this House on actions that are taken by the Government on behalf of Ireland, most reasoned people would acknowledge we have gone much further than most other countries, whether that is by recognising our ambassador from Palestine to Ireland, recognising the State of Palestine - if you support a two-state solution, surely you recognise the State of Palestine - by joining the South African case in the ICJ and having a commitment to bring forward the occupied territories Bill. Although there are differing views on that Bill, we will have the opportunity to discuss those in this House, hopefully, in the near future.

This motion is essentially about doing something that can have a real impact. A lot of the things we, and other countries, have done have been viewed as almost symbolic, which they are not. They are important, but if we want to do something that has a real impact on Israel, the EU-Israel Association Agreement can have a massive economic impact on the country. This motion is very simple. It asks that we suspend it. I foresee that it will be very hard for anyone to be against that in this House, considering the view of the Irish people.

An awful lot of work was done by the Minister of State, the Minister, Deputy McEntee, the Taoiseach and the Tánaiste on soft diplomacy within Europe to try to convince other countries to agree with our view. That has been relatively successful over the past months. However, this is important. It is a statement. It has an impact. As we take over the EU Presidency in July, it shows the leadership this country can have, albeit we are a small country. The influence we can have is in highlighting what is blindingly obvious; Israel is acting unilaterally against every international law. It was even happening yesterday in the bombing of south Lebanon. That this is happening is just incredibly depressing for most people who are watching the news.

Obviously, the more we can do the better. The more actions and more of a lead we can take from being members of the European Union is always positive, but it can be incredibly frustrating that some countries seemingly will not agree to the suspension of the EU-Israel Association Agreement. I hope they can in the end because I do not know how many people have to be killed and how much destruction of schools and hospitals has to happen by Israel for people to take leadership. I commend this motion by Senator O'Loughlin and support it fully.

Chris Andrews (Sinn Fein)
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For the past eight years, the Government has shamefully delayed, blocked and stalled the occupied territories Bill at every single turn, all the while telling the Irish people it is committed to passing the occupied territories Bill through the Oireachtas. It has been pure double-speak to tell the public it will stand up for human rights and international law while in reality the Government sits down after even the slightest resistance. The version of the occupied territories Bill being advanced by the Government is a shadow of the real legislation and, crucially, leaves out sanctions on services, which make up the overwhelming majority of trade with the illegal Israeli settlements. Year after year, Israel commits unspeakable crimes against the Palestinian people. Thousands have been killed in Gaza and countless more have had their homes, lives and futures destroyed by the Israeli war machine. In the West Bank, Palestinians are subjected to an apartheid regime, internment and unrestrained violence by fascist Israeli settlers. We have concrete options at our disposal to punish Israel for its crimes and to provide leadership in the international community, yet our Government is unwilling to offer anything beyond empty words and condemnation.

Israel's actions and the Irish Government's inaction are nothing new. We have a do-nothing Government that is doing absolutely nothing to stand up to Israel. If the Government had any backbone or desire to stand up for human rights, it would immediately pass Frances Black’s occupied territories Bill, impose sanctions and stop the UEFA Nations League game against Israel from going ahead. It is absolutely shameful. Instead, what the Government is doing now is cowering in the face of imperialism while doing its best to save face with the Irish people. Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael know full well the electorate is resolutely on the side of the Palestinians and cares deeply about the situation in Gaza. The Government wants to offer the bare minimum when it comes to signalling solidarity but without actually taking any form of action. That is why Fianna Fáil Senators have put forward this motion to call on the EU to suspend the EU-Israel Association Agreement. While Fianna Fáil refuses to sanction Israel using any of the powers at its disposal in Government Buildings to actually hold Israel to account, it is happy to offer empty words here in the Seanad.

Sinn Féin fully supports the stated intention of this motion, which is to call for the EU-Israel Association Agreement to be suspended. That agreement should have been scrapped a long time ago. That said, it is absolutely shameless to propose this motion when Fianna Fáil and its coalition partners are cowardly sitting on their hands over in Government Buildings when it comes to standing up to Israel. For this reason, Sinn Féin has tabled two amendments to this motion. The first rightly includes a condemnation of the EU's inaction when it comes to Israel's genocide and the openly supportive approach taken by Commission President, Ursula von der Leyen, and by a number of member states, particularly Germany, which are the second and third largest suppliers of weapons to Israel behind the United States. This motion is correct in that the EU does need to uphold its core values and that the EU can no longer remain silent or inactive as Israel directly goes against these values. However, it is bizarre to me that there is not a word of condemnation for the EU's direct complicity in Israel's actions within this motion. Israel's genocide would not have occurred without the support of the political cover and direct military aid given by European countries and by the European Commission. To not call this out is complete cowardice. Ireland has a responsibility at intergovernmental level when it comes to opposing Israel's actions in supporting the Palestinian people, but bending the knee to Brussels at every opportunity is directly undermining that responsibility.Our second amendment calls on the Government to take decisive action to punish Israel for its illegal and plainly unjust actions. The EU-Israel Association Agreement needs to be suspended at an EU level. I hope the Government is doing everything it can to have that agreement scrapped but that does not justify its refusal to take any action at member state level. Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael are completely opposed to sanctions being put on the State of Israel at a domestic level, as clearly shown when they voted against a Bill to that effect in the Dáil only the week before last. They have shamefully gutted the occupied territories Bill after delaying it for eight whole years. They are completely unwilling to stop the use of Irish airspace for the transit of weapons bound for Israel.

There was mention of Ben-Gvir. In the media and in political discourse, not just here, Ben-Gvir is portrayed as being somehow a rogue outlier, an extremist who is not in line with Israeli society. The reality is Ben-Gvir is not an outlier. He is a racist, aggressive individual who is doing what Israel has done for decades. In 2010, when the Challenger 1, part of a flotilla bringing humanitarian aid, was intercepted, Irish citizens were brutalised. That was before Ben-Gvir was around. The Israeli state is an apartheid, genocidal rogue state. The reality is that Ben-Gvir is just the ugly face of that state. As far as I can see, the Israeli state is a cancer in world geopolitics.

There is a sense that what happened with the flotilla was shocking. I have personal experience of this. Ben-Gvir came into my cell and held ten of us in a corner at gunpoint.

Maria Byrne (Fine Gael)
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Go raibh maith agat.

Chris Andrews (Sinn Fein)
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He abused and threatened us, and videoed it. This is not the first time and it will not be his last. Israel, the state, has been committing these crimes for decades. It is hard to believe that it is only now that the Government is thinking of bringing in a watered-down occupied territories Bill. It is shameful.

Patricia Stephenson (Social Democrats)
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I do not object to any of the contents of this motion. In fact, it provides a fairly comprehensive overview of the litany of egregious actions and human rights violations being perpetrated by the Israeli state. However, it leaves me a bit bewildered as to why the Government has been dragged, kicking and screaming, by the public and the Opposition to have additional meaningful action beyond words on Palestine. That statement will upset people. We hear often from the Taoiseach that no one has a monopoly on empathy. I agree with him, in principle, but we cannot rely on the fact that Ireland was the third country in Europe and the 142nd country in the world to recognise the State of Palestine as our only action or as the most amazing thing we have ever done. While that was important and other countries followed, critically, it did not change any of the facts on the ground. Gaza remained rubble and continued to be bombed to bits after we recognised the State of Palestine and the encroachments and violent settler attacks increased in the West Bank. Recognition did not change the facts on the ground for the Palestinian people.

I welcome that we have had movement on the occupied territories Bill this week. It is, however, a watered-down husk of a Bill compared to Senator Black's original Bill. It only came after the public outcry at the videoed scenes of the mistreatment of our citizens and sneers from far-right extremist Ben-Gvir, who is by no means the only person with that attitude in the Israeli Government. That only happened when it was recorded. As we have heard already, these violations and attacks on our citizens on the flotilla have happened many times previously.

Other than the 70,000 people killed in Gaza, including children, we have heard reports of Palestinian detainees being subjected to rape, sexual violence and extreme violence. The utterly egregious death penalty Bill, which I recognise the motion references, is apartheid legislation. It is the first time in history that a state has reintroduced the death penalty. It is a completely regressive action directed against only one type of person, Palestinians. The E1 plan, which is now moving at pace, will result in the annexation of large parts of the West Bank, making life unbearable for the people living there. The intention is to expand the Israeli state beyond internationally agreed lines and make life absolutely unbearable. We heard from the director of Al-Haq this morning in the audiovisual room that a journey to see his mother, which should take him one hour as the crow flies, takes him over six hours. Such is the architecture of oppression being placed on the Palestinian people by the apartheid Israeli state.

I welcome the widespread commitment to the suspension of the EU-Israel Association Agreement. The Social Democrats have been calling for this since November 2023, but Ireland should have been calling for this years ago. The fact is, as everyone in this room knows, suspension of the agreement still requires unanimity from all 27 member states, and we know how unlikely that is. The motion's focus on collective EU action glaringly fails to acknowledge that collective action is, quite frankly, practically impossible.

The motion fails to highlight our own national responsibilities under international law. EU collective action must not preclude us from taking individual domestic action at a national level, particularly in the face of EU intransigence on this issue. The International Court of Justice, ICJ, advisory opinion from July 2024 was not about collective action by the EU. That is not what it said. It said that every member state, as individual states, has responsibilities not to support the continuation of the illegal settlements and it advised a ban on trade. Under international law, there is no distinction in what the concepts of trade are - trade is trade, in goods and services. The ICJ actually referred to trade and investment. Investment would be the next step. We are calling for the occupied territories Bill in its entirety, , to be passed.

The Government has been happy to hide to behind the guise of this need or preference for collective action. Without a doubt, it would obviously be better if every country in the world acted, but that should not stop us from taking individual action and being leaders. The Spanish Government has included a ban on the advertising of services. That goes a step further than our Bill does. A ban on the advertising of services in practice means a ban on services. That is how it manifests in the practicality of the implementation of that legislation. Rather than having legislation of the depth of the Spanish legislation, we are one under them. We are not even meeting the legislation that has already been introduced. The Spanish have not been subject to any legal action by the Commission for adopting its own legislation vis-à-vis trade. They have not received any retaliatory action from the US. The bar has been set and I do not know why we are aiming to go lower rather than higher. Why are we not showing greater ambition as regards what could be done?

All of this is just the bare minimum. We should and must stop Israel from accessing Horizon funding. Its institutions are accessing millions of euro in funding. Stopping that would be another step. That only needs a qualified majority at Europe, not unanimity among member states. All of the actions that only need a qualified majority must be on the table and we must push for them.

I cannot understand why we are hollowing out the occupied territories Bill against the advice of the foreign affairs committee. What is the point in the parliamentary process? What is the point of committees agreeing something on a unanimous basis? We have not heard the Attorney General's advice. We have not had any credible response from the Government on what the legal impediment is to the inclusion of services, which makes me believe there is no legal impediment. In fact, the foreign affairs committee heard that there was a clear legal pathway to the inclusion of services. That is why we will continue advocating for that. I know we are talking today not about the occupied territories Bill but about what action can be taken on Gaza. We will include that in amendments on the occupied territories Bill when it reaches the floor of the House.

Maria Byrne (Fine Gael)
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I welcome students from Courtenay National School from Newcastle West. They are guests of the Minister, Deputy Patrick O'Donovan. Their local councillor, Councillor Tom Ruddle, asked me to tell them that there is no homework for the rest of the week. I hope they enjoy their stay.

Frances Black (Independent)
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I move amendment No. 1:

After "further recognises that:" to insert the following paragraph:

"- given the requirement for unanimity or qualified majority at EU level, and the longstanding unwillingness for certain EU member states to respond appropriately, it is essential that Ireland and other likeminded EU Member States take all possible actions at the national level and this should include, but is not limited to, implementing without any further delay a full and comprehensive ban on all trade with the illegal Israeli settlements, in line with Ireland's clear obligations under international law, as set out in the Advisory Opinion of the ICJ delivered on July 2024;".

Patricia Stephenson (Social Democrats)
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I second the amendment.

Frances Black (Independent)
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I welcome this motion. There is no doubt that the EU-Israel Association Agreement has to be suspended.That is the clear, necessary and legally grounded conclusion from everything we have witnessed. I had the privilege to host a briefing in Leinster House with some of the authors of the Sadaka report, Without Values: None of It Matters, which is an important and forensic analysis of Palestine and Ireland's EU Presidency. I encourage every Member of this House to read it. It is on the Sadaka website. The title alone says everything about where we find ourselves.

I know some people have mentioned the reality on the ground in Palestine and I also want to touch on that. We have heard that over 70,000 people have been murdered in Gaza. We do not know how many have been buried under the rubble. The vast majority are civilians, including thousands of children. There is an engineered famine and a ceasefire that has been repeatedly violated. The ICJ has found that genocide has been committed. These are not allegations. These are findings of the world's highest legal body. Last week we saw the Sumud flotilla intercepted in international waters where EU citizens were illegally detained, beaten and sexually assaulted. I spoke to somebody about that this morning. The trauma of that on those civilians, including Irish citizens, has been horrific. However, that was not the worst of it. The worst of it was that while they were being beaten and sexually assaulted they were listening to the screams of Palestinian prisoners in the cells down the road who were being absolutely tortured. We do not know the half of it. We then have Israeli minister Ben Gvir posting videos of their mistreatment on social media. The arrogance of that man is absolutely breathtaking, and the Knesset has now approved the death penalty, as Senator O'Loughlin has said.

Today I speak to the amendments I tabled with Senators Stephenson, Higgins and others. We cannot simply wait for the EU consensus that may never come. Our amendment calls on Ireland and like-minded member states to act at national level, and specifically to implement a full and comprehensive ban on all trade with illegal Israeli settlements. This is not a radical ask. The ICJ advisory opinion of July 2024 was unambiguous. All states have an obligation not to render aid or assistance in maintaining Israel's illegal occupation. Trade with settlements does exactly that. This week the Government announced it will bring forward legislation banning the import of goods from illegal settlements. It is eight years in the making. It is eight years since we started this campaign, and it obviously would not have happened without the support of Opposition members here, but also of the unbelievable activists who refused to let the occupied territories Bill die. However, I have to be honest. I am disappointed that what has been announced is a partial ban. The Government will ban physical goods like dates and olives from stolen Palestinian farmland, but it will not ban trade in services. The tech companies, tourism platforms and IT firms that sustain and support the settlements are being let off the hook. This is a deliberate decision and it will seriously undermine the impact of the legislation.

The argument that services are legally impossible to include is frankly not credible, to be honest. Last year, as others like my colleague Senator Stephenson have mentioned, the Oireachtas joint committee on foreign affairs, of which Senator O'Loughlin is also a member, heard from the top legal experts in the world. All members, including Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael TDs, voted unanimously that services can be included, and Spain has already proved it. Spain passed its own legislation banning trade in certain services with illegal settlements and Spain is bound by the exact same EU law as Ireland. Let me be clear on this. The Government is now saying that Spain has not banned services. What Spain has done is ban the advertising of services. The practical effect amounts to the same thing. It means that companies like Airbnb and Booking.com can no longer list illegal settlement rentals on their website, and this is already being enforced. Spanish authorities wrote to those companies and hundreds of those properties have been removed from the platforms. That is a revenue stream that has been cut off to the illegal settlers by Madrid. It should be cut off in Dublin too. Whether the Government drafts this by banning the trade itself or the advertising of it, does not really matter. What is important is that those listings are removed and Spain has already done it. It did in weeks what we have spent eight years debating. If Spain can include services, why can we not include them?

This is not even a new policy tool. In 2014, when Russia occupied the Crimean Peninsula in Ukraine, Ireland and the EU implemented a ban on trade in both goods and services, and that ban has been in place for 12 years. All we are asking is that we apply the same standard here. If Irish businesses can be required by law to stop providing services to Russian companies tearing up Ukraine, then why can they not be asked to do likewise with Israeli companies tearing apart the West Bank? Both Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael went into the 2024 election promising to pass the occupied territories Bill in its entirety. In fact, the Taoiseach himself said we are obligated to do so under international law. They said nothing about excluding services then. When the Bill reaches the Dáil floor I will be working with all Opposition parties to table amendments to include services. That has been my position since 2018 and it will not change now.

I acknowledge the amendments from Senator Andrews and colleagues about whether Irish airspace is being used to transit weapons bound for Gaza. That is a serious problem for our neutrality and credibility, and the Government has to be transparent on that. On the cultural and sporting measures, I understand the impulse. I want us to be clear. We are targeting state institutions and not individual Israeli citizens. I have watched Ireland say the right things and then fail to follow through. Today, I am asking us to do more than just pass this motion. I am asking Ireland to honour its obligations under international law to pass the occupied territories Bill in full for goods and services, to ban settlement trade, and to show the Palestinian people, the Irish people and the international community that we mean what we say. The people of Gaza are watching. The families on that flotilla are watching. Let us not let them down.

Maria Byrne (Fine Gael)
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Senators Joe Conway and Tom Clonan are sharing time. Is that agreed? Agreed.

Joe Conway (Independent)
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I am delighted to see this motion and fully support it. For my small part, I welcome the Minister of State, Deputy Byrne, to the Chamber again. Those of us who are occasionally privileged to read a more moderate publication from Israel, the reasonably liberal daily paper Haaretz, are aware of the public opinion that exists in the State of Israel among what we might call the ordinary people. The ordinary people by and large are more consumed with security than they are about rights and long-term effects. Fifty years ago, outside the gates of these Houses you would have had people protesting against the apartheid regime in South Africa. I was one of those soldiers outside the gates at the time. We were all depressed because we could see no possible solution to apartheid. The white minority held all the aces and all the armaments and were convinced that their security was going to come out of the barrel of a gun. Of course, because of the luminary, visionary Mandela and the tide of events, that all changed. I am reading Roy Jenkins's biography of William Ewart Gladstone at the moment. It is hard to understand that a man who was called an old brute by his sovereign, Queen Victoria, could be so liberally disposed towards the Irish question. That was probably to his own great political detriment. It means in our case that Gladstone was hugely instrumental in the independence drive in Ireland as well. I do not think we should be depressed by what we see, but we should be depressed about what we see as the enablers of Israel. Probably the greatest enabler of Israel is the current President of the United States. Just like President Nixon and Mrs. Thatcher were the enablers of the South African regime in the 1970s, Israel will be enabled by people who see self-interest in the Middle East and stand rigidly by it. That is profoundly depressing. At the same time, we saw the Israeli embassy here being closed down, and we know how famously thin-skinned the governments of Israel are in light of that.Some people might say that was gesture politics but it is very important that we do such things, including those set out in the motion, because they get under the skin of the Israeli Government. Such measures do not go very far but I really encourage them because they have an effect on public opinion and on Government opinion in Israel.

Tom Clonan (Independent)
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I welcome the Minister of State. I commend our colleagues in Fianna Fáil on setting out this motion with clarity and detail. I thank my colleagues on this side of the House for their amendments. I echo all the sentiments expressed in this debate. We must be very clear that the blueprint for conflict in the 21st century is being firmly set out in Gaza. To the new term "urbanicide" coined to describe Russia's actions in Ukraine, we can now add "medicide" to describe the targeting of nurses, doctors and paramedics and their deliberate murder in double- and triple-tap attacks. A total of 70,000 people have been killed, the majority of them women and children. That is infanticide, femicide and patricide. It is genocide.

In lending urgency to the demands for action set out in the motion, I highlight that the Israelis are now carrying out ethnic cleansing in Lebanon, in and among the villages where hundreds of our young men and women - the very best of us - are posted. That really should prompt firmer action on the part of the Government. What I find really disturbing are the reports by The Guardian that the Israelis are using cluster munitions in and around Irish positions in places like Deir Al-Ahmar, Wadi Deir Siryan and the little towns and villages that we veterans know so well. Those cluster munitions are being transited to Israel through our airspace and through Shannon Airport. Under the international reciprocal agreement, Irish taxpayers are paying a financial contribution to the transit of those weapons for use in proximity to our troops. I cannot think of another nation in the European Union that would permit or tolerate this. I ask the Minister of State to look into it.

Our troops are witnessing the destruction of all the little towns and villages around them. They will have seen, as I did, the hundreds of children who come out to follow the Irish armoured personnel carriers. The vicarious harm and trauma of seeing injury to innocent civilians and being powerless to intervene is recognised in the international literature as one of the primary risk factors and accelerators for complex post-traumatic stress disorder. As part of the overall package, what is being done for our returning troops? What extra supports are being put in place to deal with their complex PTSD and the associated risk factors? Dr. Danny Fitzpatrick, who recently retired from the Defence Forces and is a veteran of many missions in Europe and elsewhere, has just written a PhD on complex PTSD in members of the Defence Forces. He acknowledges that there are no proper provisions and no proper mental health supports in our Defence Forces.

Our soldiers are seeing villagers being ethnically cleansed around them. In all previous interventions in Lebanon, the IDF has murdered UN peacekeepers. The risk to our troops is very real and present. We should not make any contribution to the transit of munitions, ordnance, weapons delivery systems or cluster munitions to that area.

Thomas Byrne (Meath East, Fianna Fail)
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We do not.

Tom Clonan (Independent)
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We do. The Minister of State is out of his depth.

Thomas Byrne (Meath East, Fianna Fail)
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We do not do that.

Maria Byrne (Fine Gael)
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Senator Clonan's time is up.

Tom Clonan (Independent)
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The Minister of State does not know what is happening. He said so in here. He is out of his depth.

Pauline Tully (Sinn Fein)
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I am sharing time with Senator Collins. I have absolutely no problem with the motion. There is nothing in it I oppose. We all agree with its calling out of the absolutely terrible treatment of the Palestinian people by the Israeli regime. More than 70,000 people have died and God knows how many have been injured. People have had life-changing injuries, including lost limbs and severe burns. The destruction of property is such that Gaza is flattened at this stage, with no effort being made to rebuild the country. Aid, including food and medical supplies, cannot get through. A ceasefire is supposed to be in place, yet Palestinians are still being killed in both Gaza and the West Bank, as are people in Lebanon. Last week, we saw the atrocious treatment by the Israeli regime of the Irish and other EU citizens who were abducted in international waters. That has rightly been condemned in this House.

The motion does not go far enough. The EU has shown an absolute unwillingness to take meaningful economic or political measures to hold Israel accountable for its actions. There is complicity by several European states in what are widely regarded as illegal actions in Gaza. Several countries are still supplying weapons to Israel. Ireland must call this out, stand with our allies in Europe and take action. The time for talking is finished. We have all said the right things but that is not having any sort of impact. The Government needs to take decisive concrete action to address Israel's failure to comply with both its international and moral obligations.

Such measures should include implementing a comprehensive ban on all economic activity involving the illegal Israeli settlements. The occupied territories Bill has been delayed for eight years and, when it is implemented, it will be a watered-down version. We need to go back and implement it in its entirety. As Senator Black said, if Spain can do it, so can we, and we need to do it straight away.

There must be a prohibition on the use of Irish airspace for the transit of weapons destined for Israel. Ireland is a neutral country and we should not allow our airspace to be an avenue for anybody to transfer weapons to any war anywhere in the world, particularly to this conflict where there is genocidal action against the people of Palestine.

We should suspend all cultural and sporting relations with Israel, including participation in fixtures such as the UEFA Nations League game scheduled for later this year. It should not be down to individual team members to decide what action should be taken. FIFA should have taken that action or the Minister for foreign affairs should do so. We are told there will be consequences for the team. What about it? There are continuing consequences for the people of Palestine. They have suffered not just for a couple of years but for decades at the hands of Israeli regimes. It is time to call a halt.

Joanne Collins (Sinn Fein)
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I support the motion and, in particular, the amendments to it that have been put forward. What we are witnessing in Gaza, the West Bank and across the wider region is not simply another cycle of conflict. It is a catastrophic assault on human life, international law and the very principles the European Union claims to uphold. For far too long, the international community, including many within the EU, has responded with statements of concern while continuing business as usual with the Israeli state. That contradiction is no longer tenable.

The amendment before us rightly points out the failure by the EU to take meaningful political or economic action to hold Israel to account. If Article 2 of the EU-Israel Association Agreement means anything, it must mean that systemic violations of human rights carry consequences. Otherwise, our commitment to international law becomes selective and hollow. We cannot continue to condemn illegal settlements while permitting trade with them. We cannot speak for peace while weapons transit through European airspace to fuel destruction. We cannot claim neutrality while civilians, including children, are killed in staggering numbers and humanitarian aid is obstructed.

Ireland has a proud history of speaking out against injustice and colonial oppression. The Irish people have consistently shown solidarity with the Palestinian people, not out of hostility to anyone else but because we recognise the fundamental human rights of all people. That is why the second amendment to the motion is so important. It calls on the Government to move beyond words and take concrete action, namely, banning trade with illegal settlements, prohibiting the use of Irish airspace for weapons destined for Israel and reviewing cultural and sporting links while these grave violations continue. These are peaceful democratic measures rooted in international law and accountability. No state should be above the law and no people should be denied their dignity, freedom or their future. The Seanad has an opportunity to send a clear message that Ireland will not be silent in the face of collective punishment, unlawful occupation or the destruction of civilian life. I urge all Senators to back the motion and also the amendments.

Thomas Byrne (Meath East, Fianna Fail)
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I welcome the opportunity to respond on behalf of the Government to this important debate. I am grateful to my colleagues in Fianna Fáil for tabling the motion.I want to state clearly that the Government welcomes the debate and does not oppose the Fianna Fáil motion. As I will outline in my statement, in its call for action at EU level the motion aligns with the Government's consistent policy approach over the last few years - which to be fair, has been acknowledged by the Opposition - in response to Israeli breaches of international law, international humanitarian law and human rights. Today’s debate comes at a time of significant challenge in the Middle East and Gulf region, where events rightly command our focus and attention. We welcome news of progress in Iran and US negotiations to reach an agreement to end the war. In recognising that gaps remain between the sides, we hope the ceasefire will be preserved. The opening of the Strait of Hormuz should be a priority. The Irish Government is deeply concerned at the Israeli announcement of its intention to intensify attacks in Lebanon. The destruction of civilian infrastructure and the deaths of civilians must be avoided. All parties should observe fully the provisions of UN Security Council Resolution 1701.

On the subject of Lebanon, I am deeply conscious of Irish Defence Forces personnel and all peacekeepers serving under the UNIFIL mandate. I want to commend them on their service in the work of peace as that UN mandate comes to an end. Notwithstanding dramatic developments in the wider region, the Government is clear, as always, that Palestine must not be overlooked. This is the consistent position of the Taoiseach in the European Council the Minister, Deputy McEntee, in the EU Foreign Affairs Council and me in the EU General Affairs Council. It has been and will continue to be, a priority area for this Government.

I would like to take this opportunity to restate the Irish Government’s core positions. We remain committed to working with key partners to end the conflict in Gaza and to advancing a sustainable peace plan, as well as addressing the huge challenges facing Palestinians in Gaza, which have implications for regional security, and stability. We are committed to supporting a Palestinian state, consisting of Gaza and the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, and to the right of Palestinians to self-determination. We are committed to achieving a just and lasting peace where Israelis and Palestinians live side-by-side in two states — Israel and Palestine - in peace, security and dignity based on the 1967 borders. This has been consistent Irish Government policy, particularly since 1980, when the late Brian Lenihan Snr. enunciated the two-state solution. In fact, I think he was the first Minister for Foreign Affairs from the Western world to advocate for this. It is in this spirit that Ireland stands ready to play its part in working towards a sustainable peace, through the realisation of the two-state solution. Though fragile, the ceasefire agreement reached in October 2025 provided a moment of relief and hope for Palestinians in Gaza, and the people of Israel. However, since coming into effect, 834 Palestinians in Gaza have been killed and over 2,300 injured in Israeli military operations. Moreover, since the outbreak of the conflict with Iran, the humanitarian situation has further deteriorated. Today, the people of Gaza continue to endure, what is for all of us, unimaginable suffering. Intolerable conditions persist, as mass displacement and poor shelter conditions expose civilians to rising public health risks linked to pests and rodents, alongside ongoing strikes, shelling and gunfire. The food security situation remains precarious, while essential services are at risk of collapse.

The Irish Government is allocating €42 million in assistance to the people of Palestine in 2026. This includes urgently needed funding for UNRWA and for the Palestinian Authority. The international community must remain laser-focused on ensuring that humanitarian aid is delivered into and throughout Gaza at scale. Israel must immediately remove its restrictions on aid access and facilitate essential supplies and services into and throughout Gaza, notwithstanding the current security situation in the wider region. What we are witnessing in Gaza continues to horrify the Irish people, including here in the Houses of the Oireachtas and it continues to horrify people across Europe, and beyond. Last week, the world watched in outrage as participants of the flotilla, including Irish citizens, were illegally detained. Israel's disregard for the rule of law is a pattern that we have, regrettably, seen for some time. The Taoiseach wrote to the President of the European Council to express his grave concern, about the shocking treatment of EU citizens. All our impacted citizens arrived in Istanbul last Thursday, where they were met by a consular team from the Embassy of Ireland to Türkiye and offered all appropriate consular assistance and support. Their safety and well-being was the top priority and I thank our ambassador, Clare Brosnan, and other Irish diplomats for their steadfast work in this regard. What we saw was appalling but we will not look away. The persistent and ongoing human rights abuses the Palestinian people are enduring under occupation are, rightly, a matter of deep concern to us.

The current situation in the West Bank is sharply deteriorating, in particular with the massive expansion of settlements and the rampant and escalating settler violence, which continues in an atmosphere of impunity. The scale, speed and severity of displacement and demolitions is unprecedented. In recent weeks, the Israeli security cabinet has approved 34 new West Bank settlements, which the largest approval by any government, at once. The E1 settlement, which has been mentioned already, calls into question the viability of a contiguous Palestinian state. On 30 March, the Israeli Parliament passed a Bill mandating death by hanging as the default punishment for West Bank residents convicted of terrorist acts by military court. Ireland condemns this law. The right to life is a fundamental human right. Ireland is strongly opposed to the use of the death penalty in every circumstance. We are conscious of the discriminatory nature of the Bill as it relates to Palestinians. Recent decisions by the Israeli Government contravene international law and are part of an established pattern to create a new status quoin Palestine.

I want to state clearly to this House that the Government is committed to taking meaningful measures in response to Israeli breaches. Therefore, the Government does not oppose the motion as put forward by Fianna Fáil. The motion calls for the suspension of the EU-lsrael Association Agreement. The House will recall that in February 2024, together with Spain, Ireland wrote to the EU High Representative requesting a review of Israel’s human rights obligations under the association agreement. In May 2025, the EU Foreign Affairs Council agreed to a review of the EU-Israel Association Agreement. The resulting report, prepared by the Office of the EU Special Representative for Human Rights, was clear that Israel is in breach of its human rights obligations under Article 2 of the association agreement.

In September 2025, and following commitments made by the President of the European Commission in her state of the Union address, the European Commission presented proposals to suspend certain trade-related provisions of the EU-Israel Association Agreement in response to continued Israeli actions that breached human rights obligations and democratic principles.

Agreement was not reached at that time but the proposals remain on the table and the Government continues to actively pursue support for these measures, through diplomacy. We raise it with colleagues in meetings at the European Union and we will continue to do so. I reject the message coming from some in the Opposition that we are not doing that. This needs to continue to be done. I would encourage the Senators, when they meet counterparts from other European member states, to make this point to them as well. At the May 2026 EU Foreign Affairs Council, 12 months on from the decision to review Israel’s human rights obligations, the Minister, Deputy McEntee, once again called on the EU to suspend the EU-Israel Association Agreement or at a minimum to suspend the trade elements of it, which was previously proposed by the President of the European Commission. To be clear, the suspension of the entire agreement requires unanimity but the suspension of the trade elements of it can be decided by qualified majority vote. That has a certain relevance. We continue to engage with other member states to at the very least reach the threshold for a qualified majority vote.

Senator O'Loughlin mentioned that the member states were able to reach agreement which required unanimity to sanction extremist Israeli settlers. Hungary was blocking that for quite some time. It withdrew its veto and that has moved forward. This is an overdue step and there was sustained action by the Government in relation to that. We agree that further action is required. The House will recall that on 19 July 2024, the International Court of Justice delivered an advisory opinion on the legal consequences of the policies and practices of Israel in the occupied Palestinian territory, a case in which Ireland and more than 50 other states made written and oral submissions. In parallel, Ireland continues to work towards action at EU level, in light of the ICJ advisory opinion, including calling for the EU to prohibit the importation of goods from Israeli settlements. At the EU Foreign Affairs Council on 11 May and again at the EU Foreign Affairs Council on Trade, held on 22 May, Minister McEntee requested that the European Commission bring forward a proposal to prohibit EU trade with Israeli settlements in the occupied Palestinian territory on the basis of the EU's common commercial policy, for decision at the June EU Foreign Affairs Council. We have always been clear - and others have suggested this is the correct approach as well - that action at EU level is preferable because it will have a greater impact.

In his recent letter to European Council President Costa on 20 May, the Taoiseach also reiterated Ireland's position on EU trade with Israel and requested an urgent discussion of these issues among EU leaders at the next meeting of the European Council on 18 and 19 June. This week, at the General Affairs Council, the EU Ministers were preparing that meeting for the member state leaders and I restated what the Taoiseach had called for. Momentum is growing in this regard, with an increasing number of member states either joining this call for action or expressing a readiness to consider such a proposal but we do await a proposal from the Commission.

I want to update the Seanad on the progress of the Israeli settlements in the occupied Palestinian territory (prohibition of importation of goods) Bill 2026.On 26 May, the Government approved the text of the Bill. The Bill was drafted in cognisance of the 2024 ICJ advisory opinion, which held that states should take steps to prevent trade or investment relations that assist in the maintenance of the illegal situation, created by Israel in occupied Palestine. The Minister, Deputy McEntee, has stated that the Government intends to enact the Bill before the summer recess. A number of EU member states have taken steps, or are in the course of taking steps, to enact similar measures to Ireland, including Spain, which has been mentioned, Slovenia, the Netherlands and Belgium but it is the Government's preference that collective action would be taken at EU level as it would have more impact.

I want to be clear to the House that the Government distinguishes between the policies of the current Israeli Government and the Israeli people. Our goal is to see both Israelis and Palestinians live in peace and security, and the two-state solution means that. We must be careful to remember that and to leave space for the people-to-people contacts that have always been the most valuable part of the relationship between Ireland and Israel. Our own history on this island means that we understand the politics of division, which stand in the way of a peaceful outcome. In the meantime, we continue to press for meaningful action in response to the actions of the current Israeli Government that undermine the viability of that two-state solution.

Today, which is 28 May 2026, marks exactly two years since the Government of Ireland's announcement that we recognise the State of Palestine. In doing so, we showed leadership at a time when many of our partners did not think it would be of consequence. The decision was taken against the backdrop of the intolerable humanitarian catastrophe in Gaza, the shrinking space for Palestinian life in the West Bank, and the need to inject fresh impetus towards a just and lasting peace. That decision was taken together with Spain and Norway and was followed closely by Slovenia. The decision had a real effect. Many of our EU partners, our friends and neighbours, followed Ireland in the intervening period in recognising the State of Palestine and we hope that others will follow suit. We remain convinced that the implementation of the two-state solution is the only way to establish lasting peace and security for Israel and Palestine and the people in the wider region.

In January this year, Ireland hosted a meeting of the global alliance for the implementation of the two-state solution. We shared our experience of the peace process on this island with states from the region and like-minded partners who support a peaceful settlement.

At the UN last year, Ireland was part of the core group that worked to prepare the UN high level conference on the question of Palestine and the two-state Solution, serving as co-chair of a working group together with Turkiye. We are actively committed to working to implement the New York declaration, which was the outcome of that conference.

While the discourse today in the Seanad has been perfectly reasonable from all Members, some of the discourse on this issue around the country at the moment goes way too far. The question of accusing the Government of being somehow involved was suggested by perhaps one person. This is completely contradicted by the reputation that the Government has in terms of its activities in this area in world questions on that and around the EU table. We are actively working to implement the New York declaration, which was the outcome of that high-level conference.

Our position on the Middle East has been and remains firmly rooted in respect for human rights and international law in word and deed. Our record attests to that. Our commitment is clear. We are proactive and a vocal proponent at EU and international level of taking action in response to the egregious breaches by Israel.

As we mark two years today since our formal recognition of the State of Palestine, we will with renewed resolve continue to work towards the realisation of the two-state solution.

Fiona O'Loughlin (Fianna Fail)
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I thank the Minister of State for his response. As we prepare to assume the role of the EU Presidency, I want to acknowledge all the work that the Minister of State has been doing and to counteract what Senator Clonan said, he is completely not out of his depth. He is totally in charge of his brief. I have seen him operate in Strasbourg and Brussels with his peers and-----

Tom Clonan (Independent)
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I want to make a point of order on that.

Fiona O'Loughlin (Fianna Fail)
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-----he has done incredible work. If I may continue, in terms of-----

Maria Byrne (Fine Gael)
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Senator Clonan has a point of order.

Tom Clonan (Independent)
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On a point of order, the Minister of State interrupted my contribution to refute it. To be very clear for the record of this House, I have considerable consideration to what I said here and for it be refuted in that manner, to assert something does not make it so.

Thomas Byrne (Meath East, Fianna Fail)
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Exactly.

Tom Clonan (Independent)
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I have the proof that this is happening. The Minister of State does not know and cannot know and therefore cannot assert that there are no weapons transiting through Irish airspace. That is a credible assertion.

I want to be clear, when I said he was out of his depth, it was because I was interrupted and because the observation he made is manifestly and self-evidently incorrect. That is all.

Thomas Byrne (Meath East, Fianna Fail)
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That is not correct.

Garret Ahearn (Fine Gael)
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Withdraw it.

Fiona O'Loughlin (Fianna Fail)
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I did not realise when we were working collectively on this motion that today marked two years since we recognised the State of Palestine. It is important to acknowledge that and to state that as it did set an example to other European countries, it is unfair and incorrect to say that the work that has been carried out by the Minister of State, Deputy Byrne, and the Government does not have any repercussions in a positive way because it clearly does.

What the Minister of State said in relation to the Government distinguishing between the policies of the current Israeli Government and the Israeli people is correct. Senator McDowell also referred to that. The Netanyahu Government has led to such a level of antisemitism around the world. It is shocking and what he stands for is most certainly not what the vast majority of Israeli people or, I should say, Jewish people, stand for.

I thank those who support this Bill. I thank Senators Ahearn and McDowell.

In response to Senator Andrews, this Bill is not about the occupied territories. It is clearly something completely different. It is wrong to come in and just speak about the occupied territories Bill and there is action on that. The Cabinet discussed it on Tuesday and the Minister has stated that we will deal with it before recess. I thank Senator Black for all of the work she has done in relation to that.

If we succeed in getting the EU-Israeli agreement suspended, it will have a far greater impact than the occupied territories Bill. We are trying to work and act in a meaningful way across a number of different areas but this is an important motion.

I meet the Palestinian ambassador on a regular basis, as do many of us. In fact, I am meeting her tomorrow night. She consistently talks about the support that she and her people are getting from the Government and from the Irish people. That is a fact, and I want to state it in this House.

I am surprised that Senator Andrews did not mention the flotilla and the 14 citizens that were caught up on it considering that he was caught up-----

Chris Andrews (Sinn Fein)
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I did.

Pauline Tully (Sinn Fein)
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He did.

Fiona O'Loughlin (Fianna Fail)
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I apologise, I did not hear it, but I thought he would have mentioned more about it because we were clear in the motion that it was one of the reasons we wanted to put it there.

In response to Senator Stephenson, I reiterate that collective actions at an EU level will have a far greater impact than anything that we can do. It is important that as a country we take action where we can, and the Minister of State has outlined several different places.

In relation to the occupied territories Bill, the Government has a responsibility to ensure that any legislation is capable of being implemented effectively and that it is legally robust and able to withstand a challenge. The advice of the Attorney General is that would not be the case if services were included.

Senator Black spoke about the foreign affairs committee. I was at every one of those meetings. We heard very difficult testimonies. It was a difficult decision that we made collectively. Something that I consistently said at every meeting was that I come from a county that hosts Intel, which gives 4,500 jobs in my county and there are a lot of other jobs around it. The combined investment that Intel has given to this country is over €30 billion. We have a lot of other US companies such as Pfizer, Apple, Microsoft, Boston Scientific, etc. There is a real concern about the boycott legislation. Some 38 of the US states have boycott legislation-----

Frances Black (Independent)
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This is not boycott legislation.

Fiona O'Loughlin (Fianna Fail)
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-----and if we lost jobs through companies like Intel, I would find it very hard to explain myself to the people who would lose those jobs and of course the ecosystems that are there-----

Frances Black (Independent)
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On a point of order-----

Maria Byrne (Fine Gael)
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I will bring the Senator in in a minute.

Frances Black (Independent)
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-----of Irish suppliers.

In response to Senator Joe Conway, I thank him for his remarks. In response to Senator Clonan, he spoke about Lebanon. Is my time up?

Maria Byrne (Fine Gael)
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Yes.

Fiona O'Loughlin (Fianna Fail)
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I commend the motion to the House.

Frances Black (Independent)
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On a point of order, I want to let the Senator know that the occupied territories Bill is not a boycott Bill.The pre-legislative scrutiny we carried out in the foreign affairs committee saw a unanimous vote that we can add both goods and services. The spin and scaremongering about people losing jobs has not been honest. That is not the truth. In Spain, it did not happen. There were no jobs lost in Spain. I want to put that on the record. This Bill is not a boycott.

Mark Daly (Fianna Fail)
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I welcome guests of Deputy Tony McCormack from Green Circle in Waterford and there are a few people here from Kimmage as well. They are most welcome to Seanad Éireann.

Chris Andrews (Sinn Fein)
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I move amendment No. 2:

After "condemns:" to insert the following paragraph: “- the unwillingness of the EU to take meaningful economic or political steps to hold Israel to account for its genocidal actions, and the complicity of many European states in Israel’s illegal actions in Gaza, the West Bank and Lebanon;”.

Pauline Tully (Sinn Fein)
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I second the amendment.

Chris Andrews (Sinn Fein)
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I move amendment No. 3:

After "calls for:" to insert the following paragraph: “- the Irish Government to take decisive action to punish Israel for its failure to comply with its international and moral obligations, including but not limited to, implementing a ban on all economic activity with illegal Israeli settlements, prohibiting the use of Irish airspace for the transit of weapons bound for Israel, and suspending cultural and sporting links with Israel such as the UEFA Nations League fixtures scheduled for later this year;”.

Pauline Tully (Sinn Fein)
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I second the amendment.

Mark Daly (Fianna Fail)
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When is it proposed to sit again?

Garret Ahearn (Fine Gael)
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At 2.30 p.m. on Tuesday, 9 June.

Mark Daly (Fianna Fail)
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Is that agreed? Agreed.