Seanad debates

Thursday, 20 July 2017

Business of Seanad

Shannon Airport Facilities

10:30 am

Photo of Paul GavanPaul Gavan (Sinn Fein)
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I thank the Minister for coming in this morning. It is much appreciated. I want to ask him about Shannon Airport and his Department's policy with regard to the 427 permits approved under the Air Navigation (Carriage of Munitions of War, Weapons and Dangerous Goods) Order 1973. Some 427 permits have been issued so far this year, from January to the end of May. Some 149 of these permits were for flights with personal weapons of troops on board, landing at Shannon Airport. These were all US military-contracted planes. Where were these US troops and their weapons of war going? Some 44 were going to Kuwait. As the Minister knows, Kuwait is landlocked between Iran, Iraq, Saudi Arabia and the UAE. It is a geopolitical pawn being used by the US and its allies in the Middle East to invade and control the region. Three flights were to Turkey, three were to Jordan, two were to Saudi Arabia, two were to the UAE, two were to Qatar and two were to Bahrain.

Interestingly, Kuwait, Jordan, Saudi Arabia, the UAE and Bahrain are all parts of the Saudi-led coalition waging war against the Yemeni people. Does the Minister think it is a coincidence that these are the destinations for these US troops? The ongoing conflict in Yemen began in 2015. To date, 16,000 people have died, including 10,000 civilians. Saudi intervention has seen widespread bombing of civilian areas, which has been condemned by the international community. Almost 10 million Yemenis have been deprived of food and electricity during the conflict. Some 13 million are without clean water. Some 2.4 million Yemenis are homeless due to bombing and 120,000 have sought asylum. These are UN statistics. Saudi airstrikes have been condemned as war crimes. Displacing medical camps, use of excessive force against protestors and journalists, and the bombing of densely-populated civilian areas have all been catalogued by Human Rights Watch.

I know that 19 permits were refused by the Minister's Department, and I know he has said that this shows that the system of permits under the 1973 order is not just a rubber stamp, and that all permits go through a consultation process and are stamped "seen by the Minister". Will the Minister tell us what the consultation process consists of? What does the Minister actually do or not do? For example, if this system is not a rubber stamp, then presumably he will be able to tell us what these US military personnel are doing in Kuwait. We know from many sources that there are 15,000 US troops in Kuwait and that the US military, as well as providing logistical and strategic support from Kuwait to the Saudi coalition for its war of terror, has also been engaged in bombing missions in Syria and ongoing missions in Iraq. Surely, if this Government is serious about defending our neutrality, the Minister will be able to enlighten us this morning about the rigours of this consultation process.

Since 2002, over 2.5 million US troops have used Shannon Airport on the way to their wars in Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya and Syria. To be fair, I do not believe that the Minister believes that he is upholding our neutrality. I say that because of what he said just two years ago in the Dáil, and is in the Official Report, 6 March 2015, vol. 870, col. 10:

Deputies Mick Wallace and Clare Daly are right, surely the Minister should have expressed concern about the apparent activities of the United States at Shannon Airport. Instead, he is silent and we are cowed. We are not a neutral nation; we are a neutered nation.

The Minister went on to say:

let us recognise the fact that we are bowing to American pressure, whether tacit or real, because we are economically dependent on the multinationals. That is what the Government should recognise and it should admit that this is the reason for its silence.

Will the Minister admit that that is the reason for our silence and complicity?

Photo of Shane RossShane Ross (Dublin Rathdown, Independent)
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I thank Senator Gavan for bringing this important matter to the attention of the House. I will answer it as comprehensively as I can.A large number of people have derived an enormous amount of amusement from quoting things I have said in the Dáil when in opposition, which they think I will find difficult to reconcile with what I am doing in government. I understand that. I will do my best to defend my actions in another place because of the time constraints today.

Much of what Senator Gavan has raised would be, I suspect, more appropriate if addressed to the Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade, but I will try to address the specific issue rather than the more general ones, which I will be happy to discuss with him in another forum. He raises in a general way civilian casualties. We are all deeply concerned and nobody wants to be involved in any activity that facilitates civilian casualties or casualties of any sort anywhere in the world.

Before addressing the matters raised by Senator Gavan that fall within my remit, it is useful to set out the historical context. The transit of foreign military forces through Irish airspace and airports is a long-standing practice which began shortly after the Second World War. Due to our geographic location, the majority of these military forces, as Senator Gavan will know, have always been from the United States. Successive Governments have maintained this practice and these facilities have never been withdrawn or suspended during many different periods of international conflict. Similarly, successive Governments have deemed this to be compatible with Ireland's traditional policy of military neutrality, which is characterised by non-participation in military alliances.

As Minister for Transport, Tourism and Sport, my functions in relation to the use of Shannon Airport and Irish airspace by the US military are limited. Questions relating to Irish foreign policy, Irish neutrality, the role of An Garda Síochána and so on are not matters on which I can comment in detail. Similarly, I have no role in relation to flights by military or State aircraft through Irish airspace or landing at Irish airports. Such flights require the permission of the Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade under the Air Navigation (Foreign Military Aircraft) Order 1952.

A clear distinction is made in international and national law between military aviation and civil aviation. I am responsible for matters relating to Irish civil aviation legislation and policy. The 1944 Chicago Convention is the main international treaty governing the operation of civil aviation. Article 35 of the convention states that no civil aircraft may carry munitions of war over a state without that state's permission. This requirement is ratified in Irish law in the Air Navigation (Carriage of Munitions of War, Weapons and Dangerous Goods) Order 1973, as amended. Under the 1973 order, the carriage of weapons and munitions of war is prohibited in any civil aircraft in Irish airspace and on board any Irish registered aircraft unless an exemption is granted by the Minister for Transport, Tourism and Sport. The Chicago Convention and the 1973 order apply to munitions of war only, not to military personnel who may be on board civil aircraft.

In accordance with the provisions of the 1973 order, my Department operates a procedure under which airlines wishing to carry weapons or munitions through Irish airspace or airports must apply for each individual flight, at least 48 hours in advance. In response to Senator Gavan's question about consultation, my Department seeks the views of the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade on foreign policy issues and the Department of Justice and Equality on security issues. The IAA is consulted in respect to aviation safety issues for applications involving munitions that are also categorised as dangerous goods. If any of these bodies objects, an exemption will generally not be granted. A copy of the application is also sent to the Department of Defence for information. The majority of exemptions under the 1973 order are issued to US airlines chartered by the US Department of Defence, transporting US troops to various destinations around the globe. As a result of the unloaded weapons on board, these flights required an exemption under the 1973 order to enter Irish airspace.

In response to recent parliamentary questions, I have outlined that my Department is to conduct an internal review of the 1973 order. This review is timely, given the age of the order and the changes to international law since 1973, particularly as regard the transport of dangerous goods by air. I would hope it is possible to initiate the review process before the end of the year.

Photo of Denis O'DonovanDenis O'Donovan (Fianna Fail)
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I thank the Minister and invite Senator Gavan to make a brief response.

Photo of Paul GavanPaul Gavan (Sinn Fein)
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I am sure the Minister will not be surprised to hear I am very disappointed with his answer. It was largely quite evasive and basically stated this is not really his decision. He has not answered the key question I asked, which was whether he thinks it is a coincidence the vast majority of the planes going through Shannon are going to the Saudi-led coalition countries, and are going to facilitate that war on Yemen. If this is the case, and it clearly is from the facts that we can see, then we are complicit in the ongoing war against the Yemeni people and those thousands of deaths. Surely as a Minister who has a good track record of speaking out and being honest and upfront, he can acknowledge there is something very wrong here.

Photo of Denis O'DonovanDenis O'Donovan (Fianna Fail)
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Does the Minister have anything else to add?

Photo of Shane RossShane Ross (Dublin Rathdown, Independent)
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I do not really have very much to add; I am sorry about that. I cannot comment on whether a matter is coincidence or not. It really is a matter for the Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade.

Photo of Paul GavanPaul Gavan (Sinn Fein)
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The Minister knows it is not.