Thomas Byrne - Recent appearances (From KildareStreet.com)
Protecting the Irish Economy Against Increasing Trade Tariffs: Motion [Private Members] | Dáil debates
-----and the sooner that trade agreement is fully ratified, the better because it is of huge benefit for our indigenous sector, which Deputy Tóibín talks so much about. We should...
-----and the sooner that trade agreement is fully ratified, the better because it is of huge benefit for our indigenous sector, which Deputy Tóibín talks so much about. We should really have a united front on this because that reduces the burden, and economic cost and gives huge opportunities for businesses here in Ireland. We are living together in challenging times. There are no winners if tariffs are introduced. We believe in free open trade and investment. Trade is the source of our prosperity in this country and I again support the Government's countermotion, having moved it.
-----and we are one of the most advanced countries and democracies in the world. We have a competitive, consistent and a transparent corporate tax regime, good access and connectivity and an...
-----and we are one of the most advanced countries and democracies in the world. We have a competitive, consistent and a transparent corporate tax regime, good access and connectivity and an excellent return on investment. The Irish sites of leading global companies play a key role in creating or adding value to the goods and services that underpin the modern global economy anchored in our membership of the European Union. Policies, strategies and the legislative toolkit are kept under constant review. Deputy Tóibín mentioned corporation tax and he eventually mentioned that we are part of the OECD Base Erosion and Profit Shifting, BEPS, process and, yes, we did work to protect our vital national interest throughout the process. We did not just jump in at the start because we were working to protect Ireland's interests in that, and we have very much done that. We have a very strong indigenous enterprise sector which successive governments have supported and the Deputy does not seem to know that Ireland is the sixth or seventh biggest investor into the United States. Much of that is indigenous industries and they are working with Enterprise Ireland all around the world to boost and lift them up and to expand them into markets all over the world. We are proactively engaging with businesses to make them aware of these supports. The Government will not be found wanting when it comes to resourcing and supporting Irish SMEs, which are the backbone of the economy. One of my key jobs at the European Union table, as Europe Minister of State, is working on what is called "simplification" which is basically reducing red tape for businesses, including SMEs. That is a big project under way at the moment and I think it should get strong support from across the House. We are fourth in the world competitiveness rankings. Yes, we have difficulties and the Opposition outlines them all of the time but we are very competitive. Our membership of the EU makes us part of a growing network of EU free trade agreements. EU free trade agreements support more opportunity for exports and investment; help to support jobs and growth at home; maintain strict EU standards on food safety, animal and plant health; and support better environmental and human rights standards around the world because it is at times like this that we are reminded of the importance of agreeing and strengthening new and existing free trade agreements. Of course, Deputy Tóibín and the entire Opposition utterly opposed the free trade agreement with Canada. In fact, some parties told us it was a threat to our national sovereignty. What the Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement, CETA, was doing was giving new opportunities to indigenous enterprises and service providers from Ireland to operate in what is known as the friendliest country in the world-----
-----and one of the best workforces in the world-----
From this Government's perspective, investors are welcome to Ireland. We have one of the most educated countries in the world-----
He absolutely would not say it to any investor.
I move amendment No. 2: To delete all words after "Dáil Éireann" and substitute the following: "notes that the United States (US) has implemented tariffs on all of its trading...
I move amendment No. 2: To delete all words after "Dáil Éireann" and substitute the following: "notes that the United States (US) has implemented tariffs on all of its trading partners, with the European Union (EU) and Ireland facing tariffs of: — 25 per cent on steel, aluminium and derivatives since 12th March; — 25 per cent on the automotive sector since 3rd April; and — 10 per cent on remaining goods since 5th April, rising to 20 per cent on 9th April; further notes that the pharmaceutical and semiconductor sectors are excluded from tariffs at this moment, along with the commodities of wood/lumber and copper; regrets that the US action will undermine the global trading system and economic integration which has delivered immense benefit to all countries and has helped lift hundreds of millions out of poverty across the world; recognises that: — the Government is working intensively with EU partners on the EU response; — the European Commission, in line with the EU Treaties, holds the competence for Trade policy and will represent the Union's interest and the interests of all EU member states in negotiations with third countries; — the EU, while preparing for a proportionate response, at all times has emphasised its openness and willingness to negotiate and that Ireland has strongly supported this position; — the Government, working in close coordination with the European Commission, is also in regular contact with the US administration, to reinforce our collective interests in negotiations with the US; — the Government continues to engage extensively with stakeholders here, particularly through the Government Trade Forum, in shaping the Irish and EU response to the issues; and — the Government is conscious of the potential impacts of differential US tariff rates on the EU and the United Kingdom in Northern Ireland, and on the all-island economy, and is in ongoing contact with the Northern Ireland Executive and the British government in this regard; acknowledges that: — the success of the Irish economy is based on openness to trade and investment with all countries and this model has served the Irish people extremely well; — employment in the economy is at high levels, with 2.8 million people at work; — effective management of the public finances has allowed the previous Government to establish the Future Ireland Fund and the Infrastructure, Climate and Nature Fund; — Ireland has a diversified trade profile with strong exports to all regions of the world, with total trade in goods and services in 2023 of over €1 trillion; and — Ireland and the US have a significant and mutually beneficial economic relationship, and that Ireland is the 6th largest source of foreign direct investment into the US, and more than 200,000 people are employed by 770 Irish companies across all 50 states; welcomes: — the Programme for Government commitments to: — support an open, multilateral, rules-based trade system, promoting free trade policies and economic growth; — support an ambitious EU trade agenda, promoting new Free Trade Agreements, with proper assurances regarding sustainability, human rights, and the protection of our agricultural sector; — strengthen our political, cultural, economic and trade relationship with the US at all levels, recognising the unique significance of the transatlantic relationship between us; — prioritise economic competitiveness both in the EU as a whole, and in Ireland in particular, and in this context continue to promote international trade, which is vital to the Irish economy; and — publish a whole-of-Government Action Plan on Competitiveness and Productivity which will cover industrial policy, reducing the cost and regulatory burden on business, investing in infrastructure, digital regulation and reform, energy reform, international trade and research and development and innovation; — the development of a new global Ireland 2040 strategy this year, which will outline an overarching masterplan for further enhancing our influence in international affairs and trade; — the development of a renewed trade and investment strategy to be developed in 2025; — continued development of the Ireland House model and the co-location of Irish Embassies and State enterprise agencies to support Irish business globally; and — in addition, the development of a new action plan on trade diversification for consideration by Government by end-May 2025.". As everybody appreciates, the events of last week have fundamentally changed the international trade landscape. For Ireland and our partners, a sweeping 20% tariff on all goods entering the US marks a serious escalation in a trade dispute that began last month, first with tariffs on steel and aluminium and subsequently on the automotive sector. It is important remember as well that this debacle at international level effects both foreign direct investment into this country but it also seriously affects the indigenous sector. The Government has been and will be honest and upfront on this. The potential consequences of these measures to the Irish and European economy are serious. It is important to remember as well that the Irish economy is anchored in the European Union and our location therein and membership thereof has been a significant factor in our economic success over the past 50 years. We have gone from 1 million people employed at the time of joining the EU to 2.6 million or 2.7 million at the moment. The tariffs jeopardise global value chains and supply chains that have been carefully built over decades. They create instability and uncertainty for businesses and consumers alike. Inflation is now going to be driven. Consumers will be hurt by these tariffs on all sides. Nobody is going to be exempt from this. It is also important to note that the tariffs do not affect the UK in the same manner, and they will, of course, as has been mentioned, have an impact on the all-island economy. That is a fact. That has been imposed upon us. The Government is very conscious of this and we are working through these issues at all times. There are no winners. US taxpayers will be losers as well and they will bear the burden of higher costs. The negative effects, of course, have been seen in the stock market. All around the world, significant losses have happened as President Trump has maintained his stance. It is deeply concerning, but the response of Ireland and the response of Europe must be calm, strategic and measured. When we ask about the European Union, we must remind ourselves that we are the European Union with all the other member states and all the peoples of Europe. We must continue to seek negotiated solutions. Every disagreement must end in agreement. This is our focus because there is time to strike a deal. Following the White House announcements, President Ursula von der Leyen has repeatedly been clear that the EU will prepare its response, but she has also stressed that there of course remains time to address concerns through negotiations. I said likewise publicly, but also directly in my discussions with Commissioner Maroš Šefčovič. This was the tone indeed when the Tánaiste met with Maroš Šefčovič and fellow trade ministers in Luxembourg on Monday to review the situation and consider the best way to respond. There was a strong sense of unity in Luxembourg in the EU response. The EU will seek to find a negotiated solution, but it will do so from a position of preparedness. The EU will respond in a proportionate manner that protects our businesses and our citizens, and we will take the necessary steps to safeguard our interests. In this respect, the European Commission has confirmed that it will seek the agreement of EU member states to impose rebalancing measures related to steel and aluminium tariffs this week. We expect that decision will be taken today, maybe as we are speaking. There have, of course, been many media reports on this, but we are still awaiting the formal decision. In recent weeks, the Government has conveyed Ireland's sensitivities to the Commission, and I have done that myself directly with Commissioner Šefčovič when I met him, with regard to the inclusion of bourbon and dairy on the list of products for EU countermeasures. We understand that both spirit and dairy products have been removed from the list of EU countermeasures, and this is welcome. It is very important to remember as well that those products are already tariffed. What we did not want were super tariffs on them on top of what has already been imposed. When we talk about the spirit and dairy industries, we are talking about the indigenous sector. Deputy Tóibín was talking about FDI and problems with that, but this is the indigenous sector. There are only so many million people on this island. They have to export to create markets for themselves. There are not enough people on this island to eat all the food and drink that we produce. We have to export it, and that sector has been very badly affected and people have expressed this publicly. Ireland's response is grounded in some core principles, that is, unity with our EU partners, clarity in our national interest and a relentless commitment to dialogue and negotiation. This commitment to dialogue and negotiation also extends directly from the Irish Government to the US Administration. Indeed, the Tánaiste is meeting the US Secretary of Commerce in Washington today. With regard to this idea that somehow we do not have links with the Republican Party, I can say that I have met as many Republican members of Congress in my time as Minister as I have Democrats, and the Taoiseach was one of the few Prime Ministers in the White House with a Republican President. Our embassy has attended the Republican and Democratic conventions and, indeed, the Cathaoirleach of the Seanad, Senator Mark Daly, has set up Irish caucuses is in every single state house in the United States. The key thing about them is they are bipartisan. When I go to America, there are only about two or three issues on which the American Congress is united. I always say that we appreciate very much the bipartisan approach they have taken in the USA to Northern Ireland. We very much continue and maintain dialogue with Republican politicians in the United States. It is really important. In fact, we have nine offices in the US and our consuls and diplomats there maintain excellent contacts with politicians across the aisle. It does remain to be seen what the US approach to tariffs on pharma is. We of course heard what the President said last night, and uncertainty obviously remains. The pharma sector has operated with zero tariffs for 30 years and there are obvious reasons for that. There is real concern among people and businesses about the potential impacts these tariffs may have on the Irish economy, so it is good that this motion is before the House. There will be Dáil statements separately as well. Some of the claims need to be rejected, however. As I said, the Government is taking a strong role in engaging with the US Administration, and we are encouraging our EU partners to pursue pragmatism and negotiation while also demonstrating our preparedness to act if necessary. Our economy is in good health, and it is the prudent management and stewardship of our country's finances over the past decade that has prepared us for challenges that may come. Indeed, from Seán Lemass on, we opened up our country not just to foreign direct investment but also to innovation here in Ireland and that has also prepared us for the challenges. FDI has been integral to the success of our country. On this idea that Aontú proposes that it is only for developing countries, why does it not say that to an investor? I dare Deputy Tóibín to say that to some investor coming into County Meath because he would not say it to them?
International Trade and International Relations: Statements (Resumed) | Seanad debates
Gabhaim buíochas leis na Seanadóirí. Fáiltím roimh an deis a bheith anseo leo ar maidin. Measaim gurb é seo an chéad uair a bhí mé anseo ó...
Gabhaim buíochas leis na Seanadóirí. Fáiltím roimh an deis a bheith anseo leo ar maidin. Measaim gurb é seo an chéad uair a bhí mé anseo ó cheapadh mé i m'Aire Stáit le freagracht as gnóthaí Eorpacha agus cosaint. Táim ag súil le dul i dteagmháil leis na Seanadóirí sna seachtainí agus míonna atá romhainn. Gabhaim buíochas leo freisin as an méid atá ráite acu ar maidin. Tá dúshlán ollmhór romhainn in Éirinn agus san Aontas Eorpach. lreland's prosperity requires a well-functioning, competitive and open Single Market with fair access to global markets. This in turn requires a stable and secure international environment and certainty. "Certainty" is an important word. The international environment today faces significant challenges. The war in Ukraine is far from the only conflict impacting on wider security. The Irish Government has displayed a leadership role in many as aspects of that. The Government has also showed leadership on other very important issues. Gaza was mentioned by numerous Senators. By any standard, the Irish Government has displayed a leadership role in the world and in multilateral organisations. There are also conflicts in Syria and Lebanon and other conflicts. We deeply regret the announcements on tariffs made by President Trump yesterday in Washington DC. They were trailed in advance. The Government actively prepared for them but we had hoped they could be avoided. Nobody wins from tariffs. The Government will review the situation with our EU partners and prepare the best way to respond. The EU will have to respond in a proportionate manner which protects our businesses and citizens. It is important to remember when talking about the EU that we are the EU, along with the other member states, the European Parliament and the peoples of Europe. We will do so in a calm, strategic and measured fashion. We continue to seek negotiated solutions. President Trump to some extent invited this yesterday. It is essential to ensure that we continue dialogue and negotiation. There is always time to strike a fair deal. <!--p></p--> <!--span class="speakercontinuing">&#91;</span--><!--span class="speakercontinuing">Deputy Thomas Byrne:</span--><!--a href="http://www.oireachtas.ie/members-hist/default.asp?housetype=0&amp;HouseNum=34&amp;MemberID=2203"></a--><!--a href="../zoomin?readform&amp;chamber=seanad&amp;memberid=2203&amp;pid=ThomasByrne&amp;year=2025&amp;month=04&amp;day=03"></a--><!--span class="speakercontinuing">&#93;</span--> The EU response to the previous steel and aluminium tariff is currently planned to come into effect in mid-April. This, of course, will be reviewed in the context of yesterday's announcements. The tariffs on the automotive sector will also be taken into account. We do not often think of the automotive sector as an important industry in Ireland, but it is important in east Galway and Donegal. There are many places around this country which supply the global automobile industry, including in America. I welcome the engagement the EU has undertaken to date in the design of rebalancing measures so that they strike the right balance of products, taking into account the interests of EU producers, exporters and consumers. The one parallel I can remember is the economic war with Britain. Irish whiskey was one of the most popular products in the world. It was a major exporting product for decades. Prohibition in America cut off a lot of the markets and the trade war with the British empire at the time cut off the rest of the market. The Irish whiskey sector was reduced to a small number of distilleries until the 1980s or 1990s. That has started to increase significantly and we seem to have them all over the country again now. It remains to be seen what the approach to tariffs will be for the pharmaceutical sector. We cannot take anything for granted. There is much uncertainty. The sector appears to be exempt from the tariffs announced last night. The pharmaceutical sector has operated with zero tariffs for 30 years, reflecting the core importance of access to medicines for citizens everywhere. Zero means no added tariffs and no extra prices for drugs for US consumers and zero tariffs on products coming into the EU. That is why there will be no winners if tariffs are applied. We believe in, and depend on, free and open trade. I hear many people saying that we need to expand the small and medium enterprise sector in our economy, and I fully agree. We need to expand those companies to enable them to sell to the world. Our Republic has a population of just over 5 million and the island has a population approaching 7 million. We do not have a huge market on this island so we depend, including for our small and medium enterprises, on sales to the European Union and the rest of the world. As someone mentioned, we also depend on sales into companies that are selling to the rest of the world. The EU-US trade in goods and services reached €1.6 trillion in 2023. It is the largest bilateral trading relationship in the world and one that Ireland has benefited greatly from. The modern economy deals less with the physical goods that cross the border and is driven by services. That tells us a very different story and reveals how integrated our economies are. There is a trade surplus in goods between Ireland and the US but there is a trade deficit in services. That means we have an overall trade deficit with the US in the order of €113 billion. As we all know, the Ireland and US economic relationship extends wider than trade. As has also been mentioned, Ireland is the sixth largest source of foreign direct investment into the US. Investment by Irish companies in 2023 was worth $351 billion. We must remain calm and measured in our approach and endeavour to de-escalate the current dispute. This will be achieved through engagement, negotiation and compromise. Tomorrow's trade forum will be an opportunity for the Government to update stakeholders and businesses and listen to their feedback. The Government's strategy is to optimise the protection of Irish jobs. Our key priority is to protect jobs, our economy and the investment coming into this country. We have had a lot of engagement with our European Union partners and other Governments. We have engaged with the European Commission. The Tánaiste will travel to Luxembourg on Monday to meet with other EU trade ministers and Commissioner Maroš Šefovi. I met the Commissioner in Brussels. The Taoiseach has been in touch with President von der Leyen. The Tánaiste has also spoken to US Secretary of Commerce Howard Lutnick and, of course, the Taoiseach has spoken directly to President Trump. That engagement will continue. The calm and measured approach has been set at the top by the Taoiseach and Tánaiste, and I hope by me. That shows we are serious about this issue. We want the trade relationship to continue to develop. We want to send forward the clear message that tariffs benefit nobody. American people will not benefit from tariffs and we certainly will not benefit either. A number of other issues have been raised. The triple lock is completely separate from this particular issue, which is of economic sensitivity for our country. To be clear, what we are looking for in respect of the triple lock is the removal of the ability of the countries with a veto on the Security Council, namely, Russia, China, the US, the UK and France, to veto our decision, as a Government and a Dáil, to ask Irish troops to be a part of peacekeeping missions. That is what we are doing. It is as simple as that. It is not the case that Russia has not vetoed in recent years. <!--p></p--> <!--span class="speakercontinuing">&#91;</span--><!--span class="speakercontinuing">Deputy Thomas Byrne:</span--><!--a href="http://www.oireachtas.ie/members-hist/default.asp?housetype=0&amp;HouseNum=34&amp;MemberID=2203"></a--><!--a href="../zoomin?readform&amp;chamber=seanad&amp;memberid=2203&amp;pid=ThomasByrne&amp;year=2025&amp;month=04&amp;day=03"></a--><!--span class="speakercontinuing">&#93;</span-->There have not been any new peacekeeping missions authorised by the Security Council since, I think, 2014. In fact, during our presidency and membership of the Security Council, which, by the way, has the sole responsibility for peace and security in the world and is the only organisation at the UN that can bind countries, we put forward a proposal that climate would be dealt with at the Security Council in the context of the security of the world. At the time, we had France, the UK and the US on board. I met the Chinese ambassador in New York when I was there; the Chinese abstained. Guess what? The Russians vetoed it, and climate is not part of the agenda of the Security Council because of the Russian veto. Russia does use the veto at the Security Council, therefore, and I think it is time to end the Russian veto on our foreign and defence policy. That is what the triple lock resolution will do. My party, and our predecessors Frank Aiken, Éamon de Valera and many others including Brian Lenihan senior, and Deputy Micheál Martin as foreign Minister and Taoiseach, have an enviable track record in multilateralism and working at the UN. Frank Aiken went there for months on end to negotiate, and we are very proud of that legacy. However, we cannot abide a situation where the Russian Federation has a veto on our foreign policy. With regard to Israel and Palestine, our engagement is guided by our long-standing and principled position, namely, respect for international law; respect for the equal right to self-determination, peace, security and dignity for Israelis and Palestinians alike; and unwavering support for the two-state solution, which, by the way, was an idea of Brian Lenihan senior as foreign Minister almost 50 years ago. Other situations in the Middle East also demand our attention, including Iran and Yemen. Most urgent is the need to prevent a resumption of full conflict in Lebanon and to support an inclusive transition in Syria. I know the Tánaiste discussed these issues with Lebanese ministers during his visit to Lebanon last week. The visit also affirmed our commitment to the work of Ireland’s Defence Forces in UNIFIL and to supporting the people of Lebanon. I thank Senators for their contributions on the urgent topic of the trade tariffs that have been imposed. I must also make a plea in this debate for across-the-board support for trade agreements in principle. When people complain about tariffs and trade barriers, the only answer to them is trade agreements. The European Union is one of the most important trade agreements we have entered into. Most of the Opposition parties, at various times, have opposed this. We had the Canada trade agreement, and there was even a Supreme Court case about that. People opposed that. We were told it was a threat to our sovereignty. It actually reduces or eliminates tariffs on trade with Canada, which is the key to our economic prosperity. The Mercosur agreement has been mentioned as well. We have very serious concerns about the text as it stands but I do no think that should take away from the fact that we depend on trade. We want trade and we want to be able to sell our goods into South America but we do not want unfiltered and substandard products coming into our market. We do not want environmental destruction to result from the Mercosur agreement but we have to say that we want trade agreements and want to work might and main regarding Mercosur to satisfy the concerns we have. We hope and expect that the Commission will come back with a different proposal that can deal with the questions we have. The reality is that is another market where Ireland, as a country that sells far more goods than it takes in, could benefit from selling goods into once we have addressed the concerns that have been raised.
Post European Council Meeting: Statements | Dáil debates
I thank Deputies for their statements and questions. I will address some of the issues that the Taoiseach did not go into in great detail. He did mention them and spoke about the multiannual...
I thank Deputies for their statements and questions. I will address some of the issues that the Taoiseach did not go into in great detail. He did mention them and spoke about the multiannual financial framework and new own resources. Some of my contribution will be as Gaeilge. I wish to address the issues of migration, which Deputy Lahart raised, oceans, and multilateralism. In respect of the next multiannual financial framework, EU leaders held their first exchange of views on the EU's long-term budget, for which the Commission is expected to present proposals in the summer, and negotiations for which will reach a bit of a climax during our Presidency. Our priorities are for security, prosperity and values. In these turbulent times, forging a secure and competitive Europe is crucial for all member states. It is clear that difficult negotiations lie ahead for all member states, given the increasing financial needs across a range of policy areas. Ireland sees value in collectively financing European public goods that create clear dividends, such as research and innovation and the development of cross-border infrastructure, in particular increasing investment in energy grids, interconnections and digital networks. It is also very important for Ireland that there is a fully funded Common Agricultural Policy, CAP, and this is something of a priority for the Government. In my discussions at the multi-annual financial framework, MFF, at my level this has been one of my priorities. Our position is that the social, environmental and economic impacts and spill-over benefits of CAP throughout the country, but particularly, of course, in rural Ireland, cannot be underestimated. The European Council discussed the means of financing the EU budget, to which the Taoiseach referred in respect of increasing needs, with reference to own resources. The majority of funding for the EU budget is drawn from contributions from national governments, based on gross national income, GNI. This ensures that each member state contributes according to their relative income and that all member states play their part in financing common EU goals. The GNI metric also ensures the EU budget has the necessary resources to finance its objectives. Ireland is willing to consider proposals for genuine new own resources that meet the objectives of simplicity, transparency and equity, including burden sharing, as agreed in July 2020. However, we are not simply looking to repackage existing taxation into own resources. On migration, which Deputy Lahart raised, I can update the House that EU leaders welcomed an update they received from President von der Leyen, as well as the European Commission’s proposal on a new common European system for returns, published on 11 March. The European Council called on the Commission and Parliament to make progress, as a matter of priority, on files with a migration dimension. The EU is prioritising migration. We need a swift examination of the recent proposal on returns. Our position is very clear. We must address the shared challenge of migration, through collective effort, including on returns, in accordance with fundamental rights and international law. We fully support EU efforts to intensify co-operation on migration with countries of origin and transit, through mutually beneficial partnerships, in order to address the root causes and fight trafficking and smuggling with a view to preventing irregular departures and loss of life. We cannot not lose sight of the benefits that migration can bring, but migration must occur in accordance with the law. Legal migration is welcome and it plays a vital role in our economies. Fáiltíonn Éire roimh chonclúidí ón gComhairle Eorpach maidir leis na haigéin, go háirithe i bhfianaise na ndúshlán domhanda agus geopholaitiúil atá ann faoi láthair. Mar Stát aigéin mór de chuid an Aontais Eorpaigh, aithnímid an luach a bhaineann leis an acmhainn nádúrtha ríthábhachtach seo a chosaint agus a fhorbairt i gcoinne na mbagairtí a bhaineann le cáilliúint bithéagsúlachta, truailliú agus athrú aeráide. Tacaímid leis an obair atá ar bun ag an gCoimisiún Comhshocrú Eorpach um na hAigéin a fhorbairt mar thionscnamh uaillmhianach uileghabhálach chun réimsí beartais mhuirí a chomhtháthú ar bhealach níos fearr. Aithnímid acmhainneacht an gheilleagair ghoirm, lena n-áirítear iascach agus dobarshaothrú inbhuanaithe, iompar muirí, foinsí in-athnuaite amach ón gcósta agus turasóireacht mhuirí gan ach roinnt earnálacha a ainmniú. Ní mór iad sin a mheas laistigh den chomhshocrú aigéin, ar comhshocrú é nach mór é a bheith comhordaithe, nach mór a bheith in ann é a chur chun feidhme, nach mór tacaíocht a bheith aige le cistiú iomchuí agus nach mór eolaíocht láidir mar bhonn taca leis. Tá Éire i mbun rannpháirtíocht dhearfach leis an gCoimisiún Eorpach chun an comhaontú aigéin seo a fhorbairt agus táimid ag tnúth leis an gCoimisiún an comhaontú aigéin a chur i láthair den chéad uair ag Lá Muirí na hEorpa i gCorcaigh i mí na Bealtaine. Rinne an Chomhairle Eorpach a machnamh ar na hullmhúcháin do Chomhdháil na Náisiún Aontaithe maidir leis na hAigéin, a bheidh ar siúl in Nice ón 9 go dtí an 13 Meitheamh 2025. Tá toscaireacht á cur le chéile ag Éirinn chun freastal ar an gcomhdháil seo, faoi stiúir na polaitíochta. I dteannta ballstát eile den Aontas Eorpach atá ar aon intinn linn, tacaímid leis an éileamh go ndéanfaí níos mó gníomhaíochta domhanda maidir le cosaint agus athbhunú na n-aigéan ag an gcomhdháil seo. The importance of multilateralism was also discussed at the Council. The Taoiseach discussed this matter in detail with the UN Secretary General.
To respond to some of the Deputies' comments, the Opposition vociferously opposed the trade agreement with Canada. I was asked what we will do about tariffs. What we do about them is we have...
To respond to some of the Deputies' comments, the Opposition vociferously opposed the trade agreement with Canada. I was asked what we will do about tariffs. What we do about them is we have trade agreements where we reduce the tariffs to nothing or nearly nothing. Every time we do that, there are High Court cases and Opposition motions. We had all those photographs on Twitter, "they all voted for CETA." We all voted for zero tariffs with Canada, the friendliest country in the world, and we are proud of that. The Opposition's stance at the time was grossly misinformed and grossly opposed to the economic interests of this country. Deputies were given absolute clarity that the investor court system was no threat whatsoever to public services in this country. On the EU-Israel association agreement, review of compliance by Israel with its obligations under that agreement is a priority for Ireland. Every agreement between the European Union and another country must be grounded in international law. That is absolutely clear and the Irish Government has been very clear on it. In response to Deputy Toole's question on Ukraine, I do not have the full details of the various mechanisms for funding in Ukraine but they have been a mixture of grants, loans, development assistance, practical assistance and advice. I can get the Deputy a summary of the various supports that have come from the European Union and its member states. On healthcare, it was a big feature of the European Council agendas during the Covid period. There are meetings of the Council of Health Ministers regularly enough but health is not a core competence of the European Union. Mostly what we do on healthcare is at national level. To answer Deputy Lahart on the Presidency, Ireland is going to hold the Presidency of the Council of the European Union in the second half of next year. It is a huge opportunity for us not simply to drive an Irish agenda but to drive the agenda of the European Union in that period. I will certainly be happy to give Opposition and Government TDs a full briefing on that in due course. At the moment it looks like we will have about 250 meetings in Ireland. There will be significant opportunities to show what Ireland can do and how well we can do as a modern, independent country.
I cannot speak for the Signal conversations. We saw what was said there. I cannot speak either for pressure on people to spend money on defence. I think Deputy Lahart summed it up best. He...
I cannot speak for the Signal conversations. We saw what was said there. I cannot speak either for pressure on people to spend money on defence. I think Deputy Lahart summed it up best. He mentioned the Nordic countries and said they are terrified but prepared. That is why these individual countries, not the EU, want to spend more on their own defence. I have here a booklet that has been sent out to every house in Sweden by the Swedish Government, “In case of crisis or war”. Every house in Sweden is getting that, a country which is an exemplar of a social democracy. It is a country that we speak about very regularly in the context of things like the Swedish model of childcare and how women can go out to work because of the childcare model. It has an advanced social security system that looks after all sections of society. However, as Deputy Lahart says, they are terrified but prepared. Defence spending, as I said, is a member state competence. We are doing it ourselves anyway. We decided to do that as part of the Commission on the Defence Forces. That pressure to increase spending is coming from the threat it sees from Russia, which Ukraine has suffered in the land invasion and which other countries have seen in cyberattacks. We were the victim of a well-known cyberattack among other cyberattacks that have not been publicised. This is very important. It is important we prepare ourselves to protect that social safety net that countries like Sweden, and indeed Ireland, aspire to and have put in place at world-leading levels. It is important that we protect our economy. Tariffs were mentioned by Deputy Boyd Barrett in this context too. Everyone is against tariffs because they cut growth and jobs but when we had the Canada trade agreement three or four years ago it was a big debating point in the Dáil. That reduces tariffs to zero or near-zero on trade with Canada, the friendliest country in the world. One of the Green Party TDs went to the High Court to stop it. Sinn Féin, through An Phoblacht, said it was a threat to our democracy. The Social Democrats wanted a risk analysis of this tariff-free agreement with Canada. That is the reality from the Opposition and now it is bemoaning tariffs. On this side of the House, Fianna Fáil in particular and Fine Gael also have always supported free trade. The Deputies opposite told us the Canada trade agreement was a threat to our democracy. It is called CETA, probably the worst-named treaty ever. It should have just been called the Canada trade agreement and people would not have had any difficulty with it. We do not want tariffs. A question was asked about what we have done in terms of discussions on tariffs. The Taoiseach went to visit President Trump and this issue was on the agenda. Everybody saw that. The Tánaiste has had interactions and conversations with the commerce secretary and Commissioner Šefčovič. I met Commissioner Šefčovič last week. In response to what Deputy O'Donoghue said about the pharmaceutical industry, I made it very clear that it is not just an Irish asset but a European asset in terms of protecting ourselves and our security of health care. Commissioner Šefčovič is well aware of that. On what Deputy Lahart said about simplification, the easiest way to describe this, as the Taoiseach described it, is to reduce red tape. The leaders call on the Commission, the Council of Ministers and the Parliament to work towards achieving the target of reducing administrative burdens by at least 25% to 35% for small and medium-sized enterprises; to advance work on the packages that have been published already; and to adhere to better regulation principles throughout the legislative process. This is a step change from the European Union, while acknowledging that we need to protect workers, the environment and consumers. In some cases, business regulation has gone too far and has stifled investment, economic growth and job creation in Europe. We are going to push that forward and I look forward to doing my bit at the General Affairs Council.
I will answer these because there is a lot of stuff here. It is kind of a free-for-all. I am happy to answer but in some ways I am limited to answering on what comes before the European...
I will answer these because there is a lot of stuff here. It is kind of a free-for-all. I am happy to answer but in some ways I am limited to answering on what comes before the European Council. I do not have information on some specific items that were not discussed at the European Council and nor am I the Minister of State with responsibility for some areas. I do want to take one point, however, that has been raised by a number of people, particularly Deputy Mary Lou McDonald, with regard to the Taoiseach apparently not meeting with the UN special rapporteur for Palestine. The Taoiseach met with her boss, the Secretary General of the United Nations, at the European Council last week and raised directly with him, in front of the other leaders, the situation in Palestine and Ireland’s concerns and, indeed, many of the concerns that were raised here in the Dáil. I want to put that on the record because it is very important. There is a lot of misinformation going out here regarding what the Taoiseach did or did not say at the European Council but I can say very clearly that he did that at the European Council. It is also important for people to understand what the European Council is. Ireland does not decide the conclusions of the European Council. Ireland is one of 27 countries that come together with their various views and nuances that exist in every single country and we work together, not to take minutes, as some people have put it, but instead to give direction to the European Commission, the Council and the Parliament as to where we see things going in a general way. The workflow in those institutions follows from that. It is also very important to note, because there is a lot of talk about war, peace and everything, that defence policy is a matter for member states and the conclusions - the bit the Deputy did not read out in the Chamber - refer to the specific traditions of certain member states. It is written in there, acknowledging countries like Ireland, Austria, Cyprus and Malta. I assume the specific issue Deputy Boyd Barrett raised on the Central Bank is a matter for the Department of Finance and can be answered there. Ireland was to the fore in putting our voice forward in the conclusions. For example, I raised the issue of airstrikes at the General Affairs Council on the Tuesday before the meeting in preparation for the meeting. It happened the night before. I am glad there was reference to that there. Again, there were 27 countries around the table, all with different nuances and views. On energy, the biggest decoupling we need is decarbonisation. That is the decoupling we need. It is something Sinn Féin has opposed time and again in regard to the various measures we have been taking to try to decarbonise and remove that link between natural gas and energy prices but Sinn Féin has opposed every measure we have brought in. Sinn Féin speaks out of both sides of its mouth on that.
I am answering questions on the European Council last week.
I did not criticise him for that.
Triple Lock Mechanism and Irish Neutrality: Motion [Private Members] | Dáil debates
That is not what Deputy Hearne thinks.
I move amendment No. 1: To delete all words after "Dáil Éireann" and substitute the following: "notes that: - Ireland's policy of military neutrality is characterised by...
I move amendment No. 1: To delete all words after "Dáil Éireann" and substitute the following: "notes that: - Ireland's policy of military neutrality is characterised by non-membership of military alliances or common or mutual defence arrangements, and this policy choice has been practised by successive Governments since the Second World War; - the Government reaffirms its commitment to this policy and reiterates that it has no plans to either join a military alliance, or enter into a mutual defence arrangement; and - the Government does not believe a national plebiscite on the matter is either necessary or appropriate; recognises: - Ireland's long-standing policy of military neutrality, our strong tradition of participation in International peace support and crisis management operations over many decades; - the importance of parliamentary safeguards and national oversight in ensuring Irish military deployments are in line with our policy of military neutrality, and that they are decided solely by the elected sovereign representatives of the people of Ireland; and - the importance of stakeholder engagement as part of the legislative process in shaping Ireland's future defence policy; and acknowledges that: - in common with other partners in Europe, Ireland finds itself in an increasingly contested, dynamic and volatile international security environment, marked by violence and conflict in our immediate neighbourhood, including in the Middle East and Africa; - Ireland, therefore, should not find itself unable to respond to Peace Support and Crisis Management Operations that align with the United Nations (UN) Charter and International Law, due to a veto by permanent member(s) of the UN Security Council; and - this legislation will remove the power of UN Security Council permanent members to veto our national sovereign decisions regarding our participation in an International Force and will also allow for the deployment of Defence Force personnel overseas, in other overseas roles, such as the crisis management evacuation of Irish citizens.". As Minister of State at the Department of Defence, I welcome the opportunity to discuss this motion on reform of the triple lock mechanism and neutrality. As Members will likely be aware, the Tánaiste is in Lebanon today visiting the dedicated women and men of Óglaigh na hÉireann, who are currently serving in UNIFIL in south Lebanon. At the outset, I want to take this opportunity to acknowledge and thank all Defence Forces personnel who are currently serving overseas. I am very mindful of the sacrifice that they and indeed their families make in serving our countries in the interests of peace. All of us recognise that the global security context has changed. We may differ in our views as to how we respond to the changing global security context, but all of us can agree that the world has changed considerably in recent years. Ireland is not immune from the changing global security context. We can see the international rules-based order that Ireland has advocated for and worked within since independence under considerable strain. In line with our fellow EU members and international partners we are obliged to take our security and our responsibility towards our like-minded partners more seriously than ever. An agile, thoughtful, and considered foreign and defence policy is needed to meet the challenges that face us. In respect of our own security, Ireland's policy of military neutrality can be characterised by our non-membership of military alliances, or common or mutual defence arrangements. Any neutral country has its own nuance. An example was given of one country that I would not necessarily accept. Every single country has its own nuance as to what its neutrality means. Ours has been characterised by non-membership of military alliances. This policy choice has been practised by successive Governments since the Second World War. The Government is not changing this policy. To put it in simple terms, Ireland will not be joining NATO and, in line with Bunreacht na hÉireann, we would not adopt a decision taken by the European Council to establish a common defence. There has never been any such proposal and the EU is not a military alliance. However, the Government is committed to broadening and deepening Ireland's international security engagement, as well as our domestic efforts, to ensure the security of our country. I welcome the Social Democrats' commitment to increasing investment in our Defence Forces. The Government is certainly aligned with them on that. The UN Security Council is not functioning properly. We cannot continue to deny that reality. As the House is aware, the five permanent members of the UN Security Council possess a veto power, which can prevent the adoption of resolutions by the UN. Crucially, this veto power allows permanent UN Security Council members, namely the United Kingdom, the United States, France, Russia and China, to prevent the authorisation of peace support mandates. In practice, even the threat of a veto is often enough to halt Council action. Ultimately, while other organs of the United Nations can make recommendations to member states, under the UN Charter, the Security Council alone has the power to take decisions that member states are obligated to implement. Ireland has consistently opposed the use of the veto, as demonstrated during our own term on the Security Council, where we witnessed its use several times. It is important that we address the reality. I can provide the House with some recent examples. One of our most important initiatives on the Security Council was the proposal of a resolution on climate and security, effectively allowing climate to be discussed at the Security Council. This was an initiative co-led by us and Niger. It had the backing of 113 UN member states. It was vetoed by Russia. Since February 2022, Russia has used its veto power to stop action aimed at addressing the illegal war in Ukraine. Since October 2023, the US, China and Russia have exercised their vetoes in relation to the Middle East, including on resolutions concerning Palestine. If the Irish Government was on the Security Council now and tabled a motion on Palestine, almost certainly no matter what we said it would be vetoed by one or other of the permanent members. In February of this year, the US and Russia opposed a European-drafted resolution supporting Ukraine's territorial integrity and condemning the illegal and unjustified actions of Russia. For my own part, I have direct experience in dealing with the power of the veto at the UN Security Council. I have direct experience of actually implementing the triple lock. In November 2022, I travelled to the UN Security Council to advocate for the renewal of Operation Althea, in Bosnia and Herzegovina, where Irish members of the Defence Forces serve. The experience demonstrated to me why reform of the triple lock is necessary and why it should not be at the core of Irish policy. I had no certainty that day as to whether Russia, or any other UN Security Council member, would veto the renewal of this peacekeeping mission. This is the whim of a foreign government, which Deputy Gannon has spoken about. That is the reality we face when we want to go to the UN Security Council. If this effort had failed, Ireland would have been required to withdraw its contingent from Operation Althea under the current triple lock provisions. It should be noted as well that even though there are only five members of the Defence Forces in Bosnia and Herzegovina, it does require a UN mandate. The 12 members provision applies to Dáil approval. Deputies will join me in recognising Ireland's proud peacekeeping tradition. We want to ensure that this continues. We cannot simply allow this situation to persist where Russia, the illegal invader of Ukraine, has a veto over what we decide in this Dáil. I went to the Security Council just months after Russia had invaded Ukraine. That is the reality we face. The programme for Government commits to reforming the triple lock legislation, while also ensuring that amendments to the legislation are in keeping with our values and policy of active military neutrality. Any proposed legislative change will remain fully consistent with the principles of the UN Charter, and international law. I reject the statement made as Gaeilge by Deputy Gibney about an dlí idirnáisiúnta also. Conflict is impacting communities across the world and yet we have not seen a new UN peacekeeping or peace enforcement mission mandated since 2014. That is because of the veto. We need a mechanism where our own elected officials of Government and of this Dáil have the power to direct the dispatch of our Defence Forces personnel overseas. Our Constitution sets out that Ireland is a sovereign, independent, democratic state. Under the legislative proposals Ireland will make decisions about where Ireland sends its Defence Forces personnel. These will, of course, be in line with the principles of the UN Charter and international law, subject to Government and Dáil approval. We are in no way disengaging from the UN. It is rather the opposite. The reputation of Ireland has been acknowledged by the Social Democrats in dealing with multilateralism and international bodies like the UN. That is thanks to Government policy over many decades, that of Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael which are criticised all the time, and our diplomats who operate under our policy direction. We have always taken an active approach to global challenges and have made significant contributions to international peace and security. Partnership has been at the heart of all our international engagement. We have always engaged constructively with our international partners in the UN. We are committed to working with our fellow EU member states through the EU's common security and defence policy, while acknowledging that defence policy is a matter for each individual member state. Every document on defence from the European Union talks about that. The proposed new legislation governing how we dispatch our Defence Forces personnel overseas will be brought to this House and to the Seanad for debate. This debate will occur following pre-legislative scrutiny by the relevant Oireachtas committee, when the committees are established. The Government's countermotion recognises the importance of these parliamentary safeguards and national oversight in ensuring Irish military deployments are in line with our policy of military neutrality, and that they are decided solely by the elected sovereign representatives in this Dáil of the people of Ireland, and not by Russia or China. That is the reality. I have faced that reality myself. The Government will ensure that our security and defence policy will continue to be shaped by military neutrality, coupled with active and principled membership of the EU, the UN, and other international forums. Some of the statements on the European Union that the Social Democrats have put out this week are worthy of Nigel Farage. The European Union is the greatest peace project in the history of the world. The statement by the Deputies opposite in the last few days about war-mongering and all of that could not be further from reality. It is the greatest peace project in the history of the world. The Social Democrats' voters do not agree with them on this. Ireland has one of the highest levels of support for membership of the European Union. People can see the benefits in terms of peace, economic security and where we see our place in the world. Ireland's commitment to the rules-based international order, and to multilateralism, has not changed but the world has changed. We are militarily neutral, but we are not indifferent. We are not immune to the challenges of the global security context. We must work to strengthen our place in Europe and around the world. We must reform aspects of our foreign and defence policy when circumstances change, while always holding true to our values and constitutional principles. The Government's motion reiterates our support for Ireland's long-standing policy of military neutrality and it sets out our commitment to continuing multilateralism, which we accept. The previous Government was clear that reform of the triple lock was needed. In November 2024, Ireland had a general election, and the subsequently agreed programme for Government committed to reform of this. I call on the House to support the Government's motion. I thank the Deputies for their engagement.
Tá mé ag éisteacht le cad atá á rá aici.
Tá sé sin go uafásach.