Eoin Ó Broin (Dublin Mid West, Sinn Fein)
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The abuse and trauma suffered by women and children at Bessborough Mother and Baby Home in Cork city is not a matter of history. That suffering is hardwired into the present day lives of survivors and their families. It also echoes in the memory of those who never made it beyond the high walls and wrought iron gates.

The decision to grant planning permission to a private developer to build apartments on the site of the home was appalling, utterly disgraceful. Understandably, it was met with real anger, disgust and hurt by survivors, their families and the public at large, not least because 829 children who died in Bessborough are unaccounted for to this day. We still do not know where they are buried or what happened to them and there has been no proper investigation of the land. It goes against basic decency and compassion to pave over the Bessborough site for any reason, especially while those questions remain unanswered.

Campaign groups have made it clear that they will fight against this decision tooth and nail. It was no surprise that appeals were lodged by survivors to stop the development going ahead. In that time, they have repeatedly called on the Government to buy the Bessborough site to ensure a proper excavation and investigation of the land takes place and, crucially, to preserve Bessborough as a site of national conscience.

Last week, the Taoiseach told the Dáil the Government would await An Coimisiún Pleanála's decision on the appeals. That day has arrived. Today, having already wrongly refused demands for an oral hearing, An Coimisiún Pleanála has now decided to allow the development to proceed, almost in its entirety. As we stand here, Bessborough is to be turned into a construction site, paved over for this development. It is a shameful decision and the Government should simply never have allowed it to get to this point. This is a site whose soil holds many secrets and much trauma and which is potentially the final resting place of hundreds of children. An Coimisiún Pleanála has now made its decision so the question is: what will the Government do? Will it stand back and allow the site, which possibly holds the remains of these children, to be destroyed? Will it try to remove survivors when they chain themselves to the gates in protest, as they have said they will, or will it finally listen to them and hear their calls for respect, justice and truth? Will it buy the Bessborough site and stop this outrage from happening?

The children and women of Bessborough deserved more in life and they were failed, abused in the most horrific fashion. The least the Government should do now is protect what is possibly the final resting place of so many; protect the site so survivors can get the answers, truth and justice they desperately need and deserve; and give these children and women the dignity in death that was stolen from them in life. Those who suffered so much at Bessborough mattered. The women mattered, the children mattered, those who died mattered and the survivors continue to matter.

Will the Minister show survivors and their families that they matter to his Government? Will he give them a clear commitment today that the Government will buy the site, facilitate proper investigation of the land and preserve Bessborough as a site of national conscience?

Peter Burke (Longford-Westmeath, Fine Gael)
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I thank Deputy Ó Broin for raising this important matter. I cannot imagine the trauma many families are going through right now as a result of the conclusion of An Coimisiún Pleanála on this file. This was a dark time in our past. Many families were affected by institutions in our State at a time when the State turned a blind eye to vulnerable families - those who needed support at key junctures and crisis points in their lives.

The Government can now engage with survivors and people in the vicinity directly affected by this decision. There is a huge body of work in doing that and we have to do it respectfully and with dignity. In terms of the planning authority and the coimisiún, we know these are independent processes and they have to run their course. The coimisiún came forward with its determination, which was announced this morning.

This is a 60-acre site on a wider 200-acre site where the estate was originally. The Deputy raised a number of items and, as a Government Minister, I cannot respond with precision about what the State will do about a CPO, which the Deputy has proposed, and collectively in terms of a monument for the future. What I would say is it should be victim-centred. Those who have been affected by this trauma and the families who carry this grief to this day need to be front and centre in the determination of the future of that site. I believe that, having spoken to many families about their experiences of this difficult trauma in many different parts of the country. It was horrific and they live consistently with the scars of it.

The Government has done a number of things to try to respond to the challenge of the past - the neglect by the State in the past. We set out in our action plan for survivors and former residents of mother and baby home institutions a number of actions. In November 2022, the then Minister for housing wrote to local authorities, including Cork City Council, requesting adequate consideration be brought to bear in development plan processes and consideration be given to very sensitive sites such as this one. That is key here. At a time when people are vulnerable, people are being reminded of, and consistently endure, the scars of the past. That needs to be brought to bear and brought to the forefront. The Government needs to give them a compassionate hand and work with them to try to get agreement about the future of the site. Notwithstanding that, two independent processes have taken place but I hope the Government will now engage proactively with the victims.

As a father of two young children and as a husband, my heart is absolutely with victims and survivors who had backs turned on them at a hard and dark time in our State. Now we are in a different place.

We are a more compassionate Government. We are an understanding Government. We are a Government that wants to hold out the hand of friendship to try to rectify the scars of the past.

Eoin Ó Broin (Dublin Mid West, Sinn Fein)
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I welcome the Minister's acceptance that the survivors and their families need compassion. However, what they need more urgently is a decision from Government. They have waited long enough and have fought far too hard to get where they are. Their ask is very clear. There is no ambiguity as to what they want. They do not want this building to go ahead. They want the State to acquire the site. They want a proper investigation and excavation of the land. Crucially, they want the site preserved as a site of national conscience. When will the Taoiseach, the Tánaiste and the Government meet the survivors to discuss these issues? When is the Government going to make a decision? Can the Minister at least tell us today that it is the Government's view that this development should not proceed and that the interests of the survivors, their families and those whose bodies may lie in this land should be put before any development, any developer or any profit? When will that meeting take place? When will a decision be made? Should the building not now proceed?

Peter Burke (Longford-Westmeath, Fine Gael)
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This is a time to listen. It is a time to listen to the victims, to understand their trauma, to give them the hand of friendship and to work with them on the future of this site. I do not want to say anything or talk about independent reports or authorities that would exacerbate their trauma. We have to work with victims and survivors. The Government will compassionately engage with survivors in the area. I have not spoken with the Taoiseach or the Tánaiste subsequent to the issuing of the decision by An Coimisiún Pleanála. That work will commence across government. The Government has been very much aware of this issue. It is aware of the processes that were going on. It is obviously very difficult to engage when independent institutions are making a determination as part of a legal process. We now have that opportunity. We will engage proactively with victims and survivors. I say that genuinely as someone who really understands the trauma that many families have experienced at the hands of the institutions of this State going back decades.

Gerald Nash (Louth, Labour)
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Another week has gone by and there is still no sign of the report on Aughinish Alumina from the Minister's Department. It is now over three months since The Irish Times published its investigation on 24 March. It is a month since Deputy Bacik asked the Taoiseach to bring forward a solution to protect jobs and to put in place a ban on exports to Russia. It is eight days since President Zelenskyy delivered a hard truth, which is that every tonne of raw materials that ends up in Russia is used in the war against Ukraine.

The evidence in the public domain is damning. The report in The Irish Times clearly showed that, based on official national statistics, over 80% of alumina from Ireland was being shipped to Russia and turned into weapons. The Minister's Department has disputed this. It says the percentage is less than 50%. Even 1% is 1% too much. Let us remember Zelenskyy's words. He said that every tonne is being used against Ukraine. That alumina is killing innocent Ukrainians every single day. Apartment blocks are being indiscriminately hit by Russian missiles and drones made with Irish materials. This is seriously damaging to our international reputation. We are complicit.

Yesterday, the European Parliament voted in favour of a proposal to ban alumina exports to Russia. This amendment was put forward by the Labour Party's S and D group colleagues and the Minister's party's own grouping, the European People's Party. We welcome Fine Gael and Sinn Féin's support for an export ban. It is disturbing that Independent Ireland's MEP voted in support of the continued export of materials of murder. After all of their strong words of support for Ukraine over many years, it is deeply concerning that Fianna Fáil MEPs abstained on a non-binding motion. The Minister's party's MEP took the morally correct position that we need a ban on these exports to Russia. Does the Minister support them? It looks to me as if Fine Gael and Fianna Fáil are divided on this critical issue.

As Labour has said for months, there are options open to us to stop these lethal exports while also protecting jobs. The plant must be nationalised. We will support the Government in taking strong action that sends out an important message internationally as to where we stand. However, the Tánaiste said last week that he had not been part of any discussions about a possible nationalisation of the refinery. That is an astonishing statement to make. We are constantly being told that this operation is important to Ireland as an employer and an energy supplier and that it is vital to the EU industry supply chain. If that is the case, it is an absolute dereliction of duty if the Taoiseach, the Tánaiste and the Minister's Department are not preparing plans with the European Commission to temporarily take over ownership of this facility, especially when Sweden has determined that the parent company is still controlled by a sanctioned Russian billionaire.

I have three simple questions for the Minister. When will the investigation be completed and the report published? Is there political division between the Government parties over Aughinish Alumina? Has the Minister's Department drawn up any plans, contingency or otherwise, to nationalise the Aughinish refinery?

Peter Burke (Longford-Westmeath, Fine Gael)
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I thank Deputy Nash for his question on this very important issue. I will say clearly and unambiguously that I share his concerns in relation to ensuring that no product produced in Ireland ends up in the Russian military complex. We are very firm in that belief. Critically, I say that in the context of a Government that has been unwavering in its support for the people of Ukraine. It has provided almost €500 million in aid and supports Ukraine at the coalface when it needs spare parts for its grid or humanitarian aid and support. The Government has fought for Ukraine in every international forum at which we have speaking rights. Critically, Ireland has provided a home for many Ukrainian citizens and provided 14,000 school places for Ukrainian children in the space of a number of months. Irish society really responded to that challenge.

In connection with the report my Department is preparing, there are three competent authorities licensed to carry out these investigations: the Central Bank, the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade and the Department itself. My Department has operational responsibility for policy in relation to the EU, along with the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade. We are preparing this report on foot of that responsibility.

I will put one thing very clearly on record in response to something I have heard repeated on a number of occasions. During the negotiations on the 20 sanctions packages introduced since the war in Ukraine began, our Government has never asked for any sanctions not to be imposed on Aughinish Alumina. We have never asked for any leeway. We have never lobbied on the company's behalf. I have heard suggestions in some outlets that the Irish Government was in that company's corner at key European forums. That is not true. The European Commission has brought forward 20 sanctions packages and Ireland has supported them all 100%. It is very important to put that on the record.

I expect to have the report within the next ten days. At this point in time, we are working on a number of clarifications with the Ukrainian authorities. I met with the Ukrainian ambassador earlier this week. We have also been engaged with the Swedish authorities in connection with their investigations. We need some clarifications. We have to reach a certain evidential threshold before going to the European Commission. That is very challenging. I have been honest and open about that. It will be challenging to get evidence that meets that threshold. I have also said that the Revenue Commissioners are reassessing their figures because the management of Aughinish Alumina has advised that an error was made in recording the trade flows to the EU versus the trade flows to Russia. As I have pointed out in the House previously, it is my understanding that, in 2025, about 44% of exports went to Russia. I absolutely agree that it is unacceptable for any amount to get into the wrong hands. However, I must also be clear that we have to put the facts on the record. I have to meet an evidential threshold. My Department has to stress-test what is in front of it. I am hopeful that it will come to me with the final results of the investigation within the next ten days.

Gerald Nash (Louth, Labour)
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The Russians are not using alumina from Aughinish to make Ladas. It is as simple as that. If it is 1%, that is 1% too much. We can argue whether the data says 80% or 50% but, if any scintilla of material from Aughinish is going to the Russian war effort in its illegal war on Ukraine, Ireland needs to stand up. We cannot be selective in the kind of solidarity we show to Ukraine and its civilian population. We need to back Ukraine 100%.

The Minister recently said on "Morning Ireland" that he had no information showing that exports from Aughinish are being used to kill Ukrainian civilians. At this point in time, given that the investigation has been up and running a number of weeks or so now, it is hard to accept that there is no evidence that the Minister is prepared to put on the public record that Aughinish Alumina is, in fact, exporting materials to Russia that are being used for the military effort and to assist the Russian military complex.

It is a little bit hard to take and accept at this point in time, given that the investigation has been up and running for a number of weeks or so now, that there is not any evidence the Minister is prepared to put on the public record that Aughinish Alumina is, in fact, exporting materials to Russia that are being used for the military effort and to assist the Russian military complex. The Minister needs to lay that out here and this report needs to be published before the Dáil rises next Thursday so we can properly debate the report and ensure we are showing the type of real practical support to the people of Ukraine that we ought to be providing.

Peter Burke (Longford-Westmeath, Fine Gael)
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First of all, I was very clear that any amount of alumina getting into the wrong hands is unacceptable. Second, this is an independent report being carried out by my officials. I am not going to go and tell them, when they tell me they are not finished and that they need more time to stress-test the evidence that is in front of them, that they have to finish that report tomorrow. That is interference and I do not want to interfere or prejudice a report on which they are doing their due diligence. They are a competent authority designated under the European Commission and they are experienced to do that work. That work must be completed and then the report will be presented to me. I and the Government have been very clear that our support for Ukraine is unwavering, but we have to get our evidence together. I said that and I was very honest about that. The reporters from the Organized Crime and Corruption Reporting Project, OCCRP, were also very honest when they stated in their report that there is no direct evidence that alumina is getting into Russian military items. We are working so hard to get the direct evidence to ascertain that, but it is challenging. I would be dishonest if I were to say this was going to be a simple solution. This is going to be very complex and, critically, the European Commission will have to stand up and take the lead on this. I have said that we will back it. We have backed the European Commission on every single sanctions package that has come forward. Contrary to reports, we have not lobbied on behalf of Aughinish Alumina, nor have I ever done so as a Minister. I mean to support international rules-based order and the vulnerable people in Ukraine.

Ruth Coppinger (Dublin West, Solidarity)
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There have been two femicides this week in Ireland, a femicide being the killing of a woman because she is a woman. The femicide count in this country has officially surpassed the total of last year and it is only July. We send our solidarity to the loved ones of Adina Constantin and Jamey Carney.

Yesterday, the Taoiseach said that figures on violence against women are going in the wrong direction, but what has the Government actually done about them? The most basic thing the Government could do is properly fund the organisations that deal with violence against women. Instead, they are charities. These charities have seen rocketing calls. Women's Aid saw an 11.5% rise last year. There were 62,275 disclosures. It got €1.3 million from the Government. It had to raise €2.7 million in donations. Dublin Rape Crisis Centre, DRCC, had the highest number of calls since its foundation. It got €3.3 million and had to fundraise €1.8 million itself. Does that really strike the Minister as taking gender-based violence seriously when people have to rely on 5 km runs and bag packs to function? If we compare this with the hospitality VAT cut of €680 million or the €25 million for the greyhound industry, it speaks volumes.

The UN has said about gender-related killings, "Initiatives that focus on ... prevention, changing social norms, and engaging whole communities to create zero tolerance for violence against women, work best". This society has a very high tolerance for violence against women: rape allegations against multiple footballers playing in the World Cup, and they play on; the US ambassador going to Conor McGregor's pub, somebody found liable in a civil case for rape; the Taoiseach honouring Trump, a predator, and not listening to survivors when they ask about legislative change.

When is the Minister going to tackle the violent misogyny being spread by Internet companies? The rise in violent misogyny has run parallel to the rise in the statistics for violence against women. Will the Government contact mainstream media outlets that yesterday irresponsibly stoked up the flames of racism by reporting that an asylum seeker was being sought for the murder? The common denominator in violence against women is men, not a nationality. Since Women's Aid has been tracking femicide, it has found that 88% of women were killed by somebody known to them. That includes sons and grandsons. There is a figure from the UK - a mother is more likely to be killed by her own son than by a stranger. Violence against women rocketed during Covid. Why? Because women were stuck in their own homes with their own partners. That disputes any notion that this is anything to do with strangers, asylum seekers or whatever. It became known as a shadow pandemic. What is this Government doing about the pandemic of gender-based violence? It does not strike me that it is treating it as the public health emergency that it is.

Conor Sheehan (Limerick City, Labour)
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Hear, hear.

Peter Burke (Longford-Westmeath, Fine Gael)
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Absolutely, I concur with the Deputy on the serious nature of femicide and sexual and gender-based violence. That is why the Government does treat this issue with the utmost seriousness. My sympathies go out to any family who have been affected by this. The pain and trauma of victims who have to live with the scars of the actions of others is unimaginable.

First, I will put on the record that there is about €80 million under budget 2026 to support this sector. We have really worked to increase the number of domestic violence units, which is up 30% from 2022, and the number of safe houses, which really needs a huge amount of additional work. I would accept that there are a lot of gaps right across the country that we have to fill. The Minister, Deputy McEntee, took a huge leadership role in this area in the previous Government, which is being carried on by the Minister, Deputy O'Callaghan, in the current Government.

If we look at the actions that have happened, we have our third national zero-tolerance strategy, which now has an implementation group. The implementation group published its report recently. We established Cuan, which is the domestic, sexual and gender-based violence agency taking leadership and accountability in this area. We have very significant evidence from the Central Statistics Office, CSO, Sexual Violence Survey 2022 and we are planning for a second one next year. We have delivered a huge number of awareness campaigns as well.

More importantly, we might look at the legislative change the Government has embarked upon. We have enacted the Family Courts Bill, establishing a dedicated family court to look at very sensitive items for victims. We have introduced an offence for non-fatal strangulation, reflecting the seriousness of the abuse and the stress and harm it causes. The Guardianship of Infants and Child Care (Amendment) Bill 2026 will allow for the removal of guardianship rights from individuals convicted of killing their intimate partner, ensuring stronger protection for children. The Criminal Law (Sexual Offences, Domestic Violence and International Instruments) Bill 2025 will strengthen the legislation around consent and the Criminal Law, Civil Law and Defence (Miscellaneous Provisions) Bill 2026 will restrict the disclosure of counselling records in sexual offence trials and criminalise exploitative practices of sex in lieu of rent. These are key reforms we have embarked upon, as well as the Domestic Violence (Judgments) Register Bill 2026, which will set up a domestic violence register of judgments, ensuring that relevant convictions for serious domestic violence offences are made public as part of the conviction process.

That demonstrates a Government that really treats this issue with the utmost seriousness. More resources need to go into this sector - I absolutely appreciate that - with more support for victims, but the work we are doing demonstrates the Government's commitment to this sector.

Ruth Coppinger (Dublin West, Solidarity)
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The Minister said there should be more resources. Why are there not? There is a budget surplus of €10 billion to €12 billion and the Minister is boasting, or saying, that it is sufficient to give €18 million to Cuan, which is the same as the racehorse industry gets. We have seen that this is a public health emergency. The rape crisis services should not be charities. They should be public services in our health service. Why should people have to go bag packing for a 24-hour helpline or whatever it is? The Too Into You campaign, for example, something I used myself when I was teaching, is funded as part of that €1.3 million. Why is that not being rolled out in every single workplace and school, educating people about toxic relationships? We could prevent femicide happening if we did that. Recently, the topic of counselling notes was a massive issue for survivors of gender violence. The Minister for justice utterly failed to talk to the rape crisis centre about its proposals or to listen to what survivors had to say. It did not reflect very well at all. It was a very upsetting experience for those people. The latest victim of femicide is being victim-blamed for her own death thanks to media outlets that irresponsibly stoke racism. That should be tackled by this Government as well.

Peter Burke (Longford-Westmeath, Fine Gael)
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I would be careful about comparing such a serious issue with other sectors of the economy that are getting money.

This is a really serious issue that deserves the utmost attention of Government. I have demonstrated through three strategies and through the increase in resources to €80 million under budget 2026 the acceleration of the number of refuges for women and of safe houses. I acknowledge we do not have enough.

Ruth Coppinger (Dublin West, Solidarity)
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It is terrible.

Peter Burke (Longford-Westmeath, Fine Gael)
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I am being very honest about that but we are we are putting more resources into it. I also pointed out the legislative reform we have seen, critically increasing maximum sentences for assault causing harm to ten years and defending the rights of children who are left behind in very horrific circumstances through femicide or where someone kills their spouse or partner. Those areas are key parts of our reforms. We are demonstrating that we take this very seriously. We want to support women and that is why Cuan was established working together with Government and the CSO to get the data to establish what we can best do over the years ahead. We have an implementation group for that strategy. We want to be there as a compassionate Government to stand by women and to stand by victims of domestic, sexual and gender-based violence.

Michael Fitzmaurice (Roscommon-Galway, Independent)
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Reference was made earlier to Independent Ireland and a vote in the European Parliament. I want to put on the record that Independent Ireland issued a statement to make it very clear that we stand with the people in Limerick and surrounding areas who have large mortgages and young families. The facts are not out yet on the percentages one way or the other. I want that on the record rather than innuendo being spread.

Every one of us here has probably had contact with the National Rehabilitation Hospital. It does great work to bring people, who were involved in accidents, suffer strokes or have different illnesses, back to full health. It is to be commended on what it has done down through the years for many families. Phase 1 of its project was finished in 2020. It was actually brought in on budget and has been a huge success. Phase 2 is to bring add-on parts of it all together in a new build. Phase 3 will increase the number of beds from something like 125 to 220 or 230.

One of the Minister's party colleagues announced in 2018 that Roscommon would get a specialised 20-bed unit to cover the west and north west. There are satellite units in Mayo, Galway and other counties throughout the country. While the huge work being done there is acknowledged, it is widely known that there is basically a waiting list of a minimum of six months, which, for people who need the help and the expertise the National Rehabilitation Hospital gives, can be a long time waiting. In some cases if people do not get in in time, it may have an adverse effect. When will the Government put the capital into phase 2 and phase 3? For the specialised unit to cover the west and the north west, which was announced eight years ago, where are we at in making sure that it will complement the National Rehabilitation Hospital here in Dublin and take pressure off it? When will the beds be supplied in phase 3 here in Dublin?

Peter Burke (Longford-Westmeath, Fine Gael)
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I thank Deputy Fitzmaurice for a very important and timely question on the National Rehabilitation Hospital. From our constituency clinics and working in our community, we all know how important a piece in the jigsaw of rehabilitation the National Rehabilitation Hospital is. Critically what really stands out is the work that can be carried out for patients with early intervention after accidents, acquired brain injuries or traumatic experiences. We are all very aware phase 1 was opened three years after construction commenced in October 2017. The facility represented a €129 million investment on behalf of the State. Phase 2 will provide 120 new beds and provide additional outreach to Deputy Fitzmaurice's constituency and other constituencies around the country, which will be very welcome and very much supported.

I understand that phase 2 proposals are estimated to cost more than €200 million. A strategic assessment is currently being prepared in accordance with the Government's infrastructure guidelines. The Deputy will know of decisions taken over the past number of weeks to speed up capital infrastructure. We will deliver €175 billion in infrastructure over the next decade. It is critical that the Government can carry out the assessments that underpin that delivery on a timely basis. The assessment is being prepared under the revised infrastructure guidelines. I am not aware that the Department of Health has received the final assessment to give it the go-ahead as of yet. I am very much aware of this and I will bring the Deputy's comments to the Minister for Health. The National Rehabilitation Hospital has been an important a piece in the jigsaw for so many patients who find themselves there as a result of an accident, illness, injury, or physical or cognitive disability. It has been critical in their rehabilitation and in many cases bringing them back to functioning in society again, which is so important.

Under the investment plan, the Department of Health has a record capital allocation to deliver a world-class health system, supporting citizens right across the country. We have a lot of work to do and the NRH would be very much to the forefront of my mind. I will make the Minister, Deputy Carroll MacNeill, aware of the Deputy's concerns. I hope that under the new revised infrastructure guidelines the report will be delivered in a timely manner and critically that we can get on with delivering phase 2 of this much-needed facility.

Michael Fitzmaurice (Roscommon-Galway, Independent)
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I thank the Minister. However, there is one thing we need to know. It is important the Department of Health and indeed the Department of public expenditure engage with the people involved in the National Rehabilitation Hospital. We frequently hear about assessments. As the Minister is aware, the reality that it takes six months for some people to get in the door to get on the road to recovery. While initially they may be in step-down services trying to help them as best they can, they need the expertise of the National Rehabilitation Hospital. When will phase 2 be funded and started? I think all the parts of it are done, bar funding. When will the specialised unit be put in place in Roscommon to serve the people in the west and the north west?

Peter Burke (Longford-Westmeath, Fine Gael)
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I would see that as a matter of urgency. In tandem, the Department of Health is currently preparing a business case, which has to be done through the infrastructure guidelines. As the Deputy quite rightly points out, the improvements that the facility can make for people with early intervention have been demonstrated. That is critical. I have seen the work the hospital does, particularly for those who have been involved in very traumatic experiences. I will raise the Deputy's concern in relation to outreach in Roscommon with the Minister for Health. I would be confident that this decision will be made quickly. It should not be about funding. We have a very significant war chest of €175 billion over the next decade to deliver public infrastructure. The critical thing - the Government has experienced this - is getting the money spent, getting it into the bricks and mortar and ensuring that we can get it through the process quickly. One thing we have learned over the past number of years is that we have to get a lot better at delivering public infrastructure. We have set the guide rails to do that. We will spend about €19.1 billion this year, an increase of 54% in two years, which demonstrates the real ambition of the Government.