Helen McEntee (Meath East, Fine Gael)
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I welcome this opportunity to provide Members with an update on recent developments in international relations at what is an extremely important time. We face an unprecedented and unpredictable geopolitical context. The rules-based order on which our security and our prosperity, and that of our EU partners, depends is increasingly under challenge. Russia's brutal war in Ukraine, in particular, continues to transform the security environment in Europe. The key values and principles that underpin our foreign policy will continue to drive our response across these challenges: our emphasis on dialogue and engagement with partners, first and foremost; the peaceful resolution of conflicts; and our continued support for multilateralism and the application of international law, among others. We must also work to uphold our own interests in this changing geopolitical context to protect our citizens and our economy and to work with partners to ensure our security. Our EU membership in this regard remains critical.

Since becoming Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade, I have engaged extensively with EU and like-minded partners on a wide range of issues. On Monday just this week, I spoke to High Representative Kaja Kallas and a number of EU colleagues about developments in relation to Greenland, the Middle East and Ukraine. Last week, I travelled to Egypt and Jordan to advance our relations with these key partners and to discuss the ongoing and dire situation in the Middle East, in particular in Gaza. Earlier this month, I took part in a meeting of the coalition of the willing in Paris to discuss efforts to secure a just and lasting peace in Ukraine. Preparations for Ireland's Presidency in the second half of this year are well under way. The Presidency will take place in this challenging geopolitical context. I will work closely with my colleagues, the Ministers of State, Thomas Byrne and Neale Richmond, on all these issues.

I will start by addressing the situation with regard to Greenland, which I know is of interest and concern to many in this House and is very much a topic of conversation today again. Ireland is a strong advocate for close transatlantic relations, and we have welcomed the increased engagement between Brussels and Washington in recent months, particularly on trade, the Middle East and Ukraine. This engagement is fundamentally challenged, however, by recent US actions and statements regarding Greenland and tariff threats against a number of EU member states, the UK and Norway, which are akin to a threat of tariffs against all of us. Our position is clear: the future of Greenland is a matter to be determined by Denmark and by the Greenlandic people in line with well-established democratic principles and international law.

We have also been clear, along with our EU partners, in communicating our commitment to the international legal order. I communicated that to my Danish colleague this morning. The sovereignty and territorial integrity of states is a fundamental principle of the United Nations Charter. We continue to advocate for the resolution of international disputes through dialogue. The EU and US joint statement that was issued in August last year provided a degree of much-needed certainty and confirmed a single 15% US tariff on EU goods.

Any decision to impose an additional tariff only serves to undermine transatlantic relations and would be utterly incompatible with the EU-US trade agreement that was reached last year.

We are co-ordinating closely with our EU and wider European partners in response to this overall announcement. I reiterated my position in my call with Kaja Kallas on Monday. Yesterday, I updated the Government on the situation. Tomorrow, the Taoiseach will attend an extraordinary European Council, where these issues will be discussed. We have been clear that the only way forward is through dialogue and engagement, in keeping with the long-standing tradition of transatlantic co-operation. We will work to maintain that co-operation during our EU Presidency this year, where it is appropriate and valuable to do so. In the meantime, Ireland will continue to co-ordinate closely with EU partners and consider all potential courses of action for the transatlantic relationship, guided by what will best serve Irish and European citizens.

After almost four years of brutal Russian aggression, Ireland remains unequivocal in our solidarity and support for Ukraine. The recent visit to Ireland by President Volodymyr Zelenskyy brought into focus what the stakes were, not just for Ukraine, but for Ireland and Europe as a whole. Addressing the Houses of the Oireachtas, he delivered a message of courage and hope, stating that Ukraine was closer to peace than ever before, but warned that grasping it would require the enduring unity of all its allies. Russian attacks on Ukrainian cities and energy infrastructure continue to increase in severity and scale, killing civilians and depriving millions of Ukrainians of electricity, heating and water in the depths of winter. There are quite literally thousands of people dying every month. The bombardment of civilian infrastructure, including the reported use of the Oreshnik hypersonic missile, is beyond concerning. The deliberate targeting of civilians is clearly a war crime. These are not the actions of a country interested in peace. In response, we must keep up pressure on Russia. Ireland fully supports sanctions on Russia. We support the Commission, which is working on proposals for the 20th package, which we expect will focus further on the energy sector and the shadow fleet.

We must also step up our support for Ukraine to put it in the strongest possible position in peace negotiations. This was a key focus of the December European Council, where a €90 billion loan for Ukraine for 2026 and 2027 was agreed. It will be based on EU borrowing on the capital markets backed by the EU budget headroom. Ireland welcomes this decision, which ensures Ukraine has the finance it needs over the coming two years. We know that the longer this goes on, the more it will need. Ireland and its EU partners continue to provide Ukraine with the support necessary to exercise its right to self-defence under Article 51 of the UN Charter. We continue to support the use of the European peace facility, EPF, to provide military support for Ukraine. In Ireland’s case, this support is non-lethal in nature. Regrettably, Hungary continues to block use of the EPF for this purpose. Last year, the Government provided €200 million in bilateral, non-lethal military support for Ukraine. The bulk of this has been provided through procurement partnerships with Denmark and Lithuania. This is to provide elements of air defence purchased from Ukraine’s defence industries. This support will help Ukraine to defend its towns, cities and energy infrastructure from Russia’s brutal air and drone attacks. Last month, the Government announced a contribution of €25 million in energy support.

We will continue our support for Ukraine's pathway to membership of the EU. I welcome the ongoing efforts of the United States and others to achieve a just and lasting peace that respects Ukraine's sovereignty and independence. We welcome progress made at meetings between the US and Ukraine to date. We welcome the progress that was made at the coalition of the willing, but we need to do more. Ireland will continue to support these efforts as part of the EU and through our membership of the coalition of the willing. The Paris declaration that was published after the meeting is a strong signal of support for Ukraine. It recognises that a lasting peace agreement will require robust security guarantees for Ukraine. This is not just vital for Ukraine. It is vital for European and Irish security. Ultimately, there is only one party that can end this war immediately, and that is Russia. As colleagues have, I call on Russia to end this brutal war and these brutal attacks, to agree to a ceasefire, and to engage meaningfully in talks with the US and Ukraine.

I returned from a visit to the Middle East last week, where Gaza was a central focus. This was my first bilateral visit outside of Europe as Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade. There were several strands to this visit, the first of which was to strengthen bilateral relations with two key partners, Egypt and Jordan, which are incredibly strong relations. The second was to discuss efforts to progress implementation of the comprehensive plan to end the Gaza conflict, and to assess the situation regarding provision of humanitarian aid to Gaza. I have welcomed the announcement of the beginning of the second phase of the comprehensive plan to end the Gaza conflict. We welcome the US role and contribution, alongside Egypt, Qatar and Türkiye, as mediators for the Gaza peace plan. I have consistently called on all parties to implement fully their commitments and for the international community to support these efforts.

There has been much commentary on the recent US board of peace. The scope of the US proposal would appear to be wider than the Gaza peace plan. We attach the highest importance to the primacy of the UN Charter and the central role of the United Nations as the universal body charged with the maintenance of international peace and security, in accordance with international law. We have received an invitation to join the board of peace, which we will consider in close co-ordination with our partners. More broadly, it is important that work continue to build on the progress that has been made so far on the next phase of the Gaza peace plan. It is important that the board focus on what it was due to be established for, which is making sure that the next stage of the peace plan can be brought into effect. It is clear that the first stage is extremely fragile. More than 400 innocent civilians have been killed since the ceasefire and it is clear that not nearly enough humanitarian aid is getting to those who need it most.

The humanitarian situation in the Gaza Strip is extremely concerning. The people of Gaza do not have enough to eat, adequate shelter from winter weather, or sufficient access to medicines, healthcare and sanitation. Acute food insecurity is expected to persist for 77% of the population, which is 1.6 million people. During my visit to Rafah last week, I witnessed the range of humanitarian items prohibited by Israel from entering Gaza. It is completely unacceptable that rules would change daily and that life-saving equipment and humanitarian aid is not being let in. On that basis, prior to my visit, I wrote to Kaja Kallas, together with five of my colleagues, calling for renewed focus on the catastrophic humanitarian situation in Gaza, because a lot more needs to be done. I will continue to call for action at EU level to ease the immense suffering of Palestinians in Gaza. We need to see safe, rapid and unhindered delivery of humanitarian aid at scale. Israel must immediately remove restrictions and facilitate essential supplies and services to reach people across the Gaza Strip. This will be one of my key messages at next week's Foreign Affairs Council.

During my visit, I was pleased to announce €42 million in assistance to the people of Palestine in 2026, including €20 million to support the work of the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East, UNRWA. I take the opportunity to acknowledge, commend and thank the unbelievable men and women who work for so many of the aid organisations and UNRWA, including the many Irish people I met when I was there. They are working in unimaginably difficult circumstances at a time when a significant proportion of the world has supported the work they do, but they are receiving much more push-back and much less funding. That is why our funding is so essential. This will bring Ireland's support to UNRWA to €78 million since January 2023. In Jordan, I visited an UNRWA camp and witnessed the vital services it was providing. UNRWA must be central to any effort to respond to the urgent needs of the Palestinian people.

Ireland is an active member of the global alliance for the implementation of the two-state solution, which remains our focus and priority for the future of the region. I look forward to hosting a meeting of the alliance next week in Dublin, where we will share elements of our own experience of a successful peace process in Northern Ireland, which came together after many years and which we are still working on. I believe our experience and knowledge in what we have gone through is something that we could provide in support of the next stages in the Middle East.

The Government is deeply concerned about developments in Iran. I am utterly appalled to read, as we have all seen, the emerging reports of the killing of large numbers of civilians. We do not have an actual number of how many people have been killed. Families trying to retrieve the bodies of their loved ones have been subject to further repression and intimidation. I utterly condemn the brutal use of violence by the Iranian authorities against its own population. The killing of civilians is deeply shocking. At my request, senior officials of my Department conveyed our concerns directly to the Iranian ambassador-designate on 12 January. The EU has also condemned these events and is working on further sanctions on those responsible. It seems that protests have significantly lessened, but that underlying issues have not been addressed by the authorities. Iran continues to block communication networks, including the Internet and international phone lines. I know many Iranians in Ireland have been unable to contact their families to find out if they are safe. It is completely unacceptable for any government or regime to cut off such access. What is it hiding? Full access to communications must be restored.

In the circumstances, I have reduced diplomatic staff in Tehran, but the embassy remains open and all our staff, it is important to say, are safe. Ireland has also supported a call for an emergency special session of the UN Human Rights Council. Deputies will be aware that many other aspects of Iran’s policies are of great concern. These include the nature of Iran’s nuclear programme, Iran’s support for militant groups and destabilisation around the Middle East, and Iran’s supply of weapons to Russia for its war of aggression on Ukraine. I want to assure those living here, and, in particular, Iranian citizens, that we will do everything we can to hold Iran accountable for its acts of repression and violence and to support the Iranian people at this time.

Recent months have seen other significant developments in the Middle East demanding our attention and engagement. Lebanon continues its efforts to rebuild from the conflict between Hezbollah and Israel while also managing challenging political and economic reform needs. Even if the conflict were to end tomorrow, Lebanon faces massive physical reconstruction needs, estimated at $11 billion, while continuing to support the largest population of refugees per capitain the world. We have entered the final year of the UNIFIL mandate in Lebanon. We are all extremely proud of the contribution our peacekeepers have made and will continue to make in fulfilling their duties. Ireland remains committed to the future of Lebanon and we believe that it must be allowed the space to recover from past conflicts.

Just over a year on from the fall of the Assad regime in Syria, it is clear that the new transitional government has many challenges to overcome. While huge strides and progress have been made, there are many challenges to overcome. Most recently, Syria witnessed another outbreak of localised violence in Aleppo, where government-aligned forces clashed with Kurdish fighters. While a ceasefire has since been agreed, it reminds us of the importance of supporting the new transitional government’s work towards creating unity and common systems that reflect a Syria that all Syrians can be a part of. The people of Yemen must also be free to safely choose their political future without negative external influence. Ireland has always stood for a political pathway to peace across the Middle East. It is clear that developments in the region will continue to command my attention and that of the Government, and this House, as we continue to witness the dynamics and the needs of change. I will continue to engage with my colleagues I met last week, understanding the huge, challenging and difficult environment they are in with so many conflicts and ongoing situations happening around them.

The situation in Venezuela remains delicate and uncertain. The principles of international law and the UN Charter must be fully respected and upheld in all circumstances. Ireland, together with our EU partners, has been clear in this regard. We have also made clear that Nicolás Maduro lacked any democratic legitimacy. Ireland has long advocated for a peaceful and negotiated transition to democracy in Venezuela. Respecting the will, in particular, of the Venezuelan people remains the only way for a restoration of democracy. We welcome news of the release of several political prisoners over the past few days. We continue to call for the unconditional release of all political prisoners and for the full respect of human rights and international law by all actors. Ireland will continue to provide humanitarian support to the people of Venezuela and to Venezuelan refugees through the Venezuela Humanitarian Fund and the UNHCR regional migrant and refugee plan for Venezuela. Together with our international partners, Ireland remains committed to supporting all efforts to facilitate a democratic, peaceful and inclusive solution to the crisis, led by Venezuelans.

Ireland’s foreign policy choices have been guided by our commitment always to multilateralism and the international legal order. This has been the case for the past seven decades, since Ireland joined the UN in 1955. It will remain the case, irrespective of the challenges we face, and we know there are many. Peace and security depend on all UN member states abiding by the fundamental principles of the UN Charter. We have seen the consequences when states do not do so. What is very clear is that all member states, large and small, must abide by the fundamental principles. The UN has a unique mandate to maintain international peace and security, and the legitimacy to bring nations together to find common solutions to shared challenges. While it may be imperfect, the UN and the primacy of international law is more important now than ever. Ireland’s commitment to the United Nations and the primacy of the UN Charter is without question.

As I have outlined, we are facing into a range of significant foreign policy challenges in 2026. In fact, I think this month, in particular, has seen more challenges than we might see in any other given year. These challenges will have implications for Ireland, the EU, and our global partners. We will need to find innovative and effective solutions to the challenges we face, while being firm in ensuring we uphold our values and uphold our interests at international level. Working alongside our EU and like-minded partners will be essential, including during Ireland’s Presidency of the EU in the second half of this year. Of course, I welcome the opportunity to engage with all colleagues on these issues and many others today, but also over the coming year as we face them together. I thank the House.

Donnchadh Ó Laoghaire (Cork South-Central, Sinn Fein)
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I welcome the opportunity to speak about this issue. I am sure we are sitting here and an interesting or noteworthy speech - I am not sure which it is being called - is happening as we speak but I am unlikely to be the last person to reference Mark Carney's speech at Davos yesterday. It certainly caught the attention and perhaps a certain spirit of the time. Time will tell whether his perspective and strategy will be vindicated. There was much that sounded familiar to me. Much of the speech underlined points that Sinn Féin, among others, has been making for a long time, including the admission that, in truth, international law was more honoured in the breach than in the rule. He stated:

We knew the story of the international rules-based order was partially false. That the strongest would exempt themselves when convenient. That trade rules were enforced asymmetrically. And we knew that international law applied with varying rigour depending on the identity of the accused or the victim.

That rings very true to me. That is precisely what we talk about when we talk about the impunity with which Israel has prosecuted genocide against Palestine or the manner in which the US has trampled over international law in recent months. The phrase, "Saying the quiet bit out loud", comes to mind. It was also a very interesting contribution on the economic future of countries, whether middle powers or smaller countries such as ours, in a world dominated by two or three major powers, depending on how you see it. Mr. Carney further stated:

... recently, great powers have begun using economic integration as weapons. Tariffs as leverage. Financial infrastructure as coercion. Supply chains as vulnerabilities to be exploited.

He spoke about his approach, and, to state the obvious, Ireland is not Canada. The same strategies and perspective do not apply. It is, though, a clear-eyed assessment of the world in which we now live, and we must acknowledge it may not be an aberration. This may not be a pause and we may not return to the phase that existed before. President Trump threatens tariffs on European countries. He is currently in Davos. He is rhetorically tilting at windmills, a bit more like Don Quixote than Donald Trump. I have to say that, before I came into the Chamber, some of the language and rhetoric being used was remarkable and appears to resemble very little of reality. It has to be clear that bully-boy tactics can never be accepted from the United States or any international actors. They cannot be normalised. Threats to impose tariffs against European countries that would thwart his acquisition, and it is very much driven by him and his personal obsession, are scandalous.

Trade wars are bad for all, and, of course, if de-escalation is possible, we should grasp the opportunity. It is important to say that this could and should never become appeasement because clearly that will not work. Sovereignty has to be a red line. If the US is successful in these attempts, it will be a further and enormous blow to the concept of sovereignty, already very much undermined by recent actions, not to mention international law. European countries should be prepared to respond with resolve.

To be clear, the future of Greenland and its sovereignty must only be decided through the fulfilment of national self-determination by its people. This is a crucial test of respect for sovereignty. If it is conceded here, then it will become all the weaker elsewhere. Whatever transpires, it does seem that tariffs and trade wars may very much be back on the agenda. I have said it previously, and it underlines all the further something Sinn Féin has been saying for many years, that there is no question but that Ireland is disproportionately vulnerable in the context of an escalating trade war between the United States and the European Union. The fact is that the industrial policy of recent, successive Governments and our failure to develop a strong enough indigenous sector to complement our strong foreign direct investment sector, as well as diversifying in terms of markets and exports, has left us uniquely vulnerable. This has not been helped by reliance on taxation incentives and various taxation loopholes that have in the past allowed some commentators to portray us a tax haven.

Successive Governments have failed to build the infrastructure we need to attract and hold on to foreign direct investment without relying on tax incentives. It is evident that the position of the US Government is liable to change at various times and threats may or may not come to pass. Clearly, Europe should not give in to bully-boy tactics. It is high time that Ireland consider more broadly its place in the world's economy. It must find its insurance and mitigate risk.

A number of things are required from the Irish Government. The Government must begin a plan for diversifying in terms of markets we trade with, with a view to future trade missions. The United States, Britain and Europe will always be crucial trading partners for reasons of language, culture and long ad deep relationships but there is a potential to deepen trade with other countries in southeast Asia, emerging markets and other countries that have faced challenges in terms of tariffs such as Canada and Mexico. The Government must prepare and immediately begin preparation for supports for our businesses in the event of tariffs coming into place, whether this resembles some of the supports that took place for Brexit or building on the learnings of it. It needs to be developed. We need to make sure it is easily accessible and widely promoted. This needs to involve education, training support, marketing support and, potentially, grant aid. The development of this programme needs to begin now so that it is ready to roll out in the event that it is required.

The Government also needs to prioritise investment in our infrastructure. The reality is that one of the reasons we are so vulnerable is because of the huge gaps in our infrastructure. Our housing system is in crisis. We do not have a motorway between the second and third largest cities in the State. Public transport is inadequate and our electric grid is so inadequate that we are losing potential investment. Trade wars are bad for everyone but nothing can be taken for granted. In my view, successive Governments have left us uniquely vulnerable.

There is an Administration in the United States that has totally departed from the norms of international politics and shaken up its relationships with its allies. I want to again make the point that we extend our solidarity with the people of Ukraine who have stood courageously against a brutal Russian onslaught and criminal invasion by Vladimir Putin. It must be the case that any negotiations regarding the future of Ukraine should have Ukraine at the table. That is the only way that we will see a meaningful, successful and viable peaceful settlement for the people of Ukraine and for humanity.

I was really surprised and extremely disappointed that the Minister had 20 minutes to speak but did not use all of it and that not once was the situation in Sudan mentioned. It is the largest humanitarian situation in the world. A total of 33 million people may potentially be in a situation facing deprivation and hunger. There was potentially one of the largest slaughters we have seen in this century in El Fasher. Some estimates are suggesting that maybe as many as 100,000 were killed. It is certainly in the tens of thousands. This is a kind of scale of killing that we have not seen in many years in such a short period. There are 4 million Sudanese refugees in Chad and South Sudan. It is a conflict that has been going on for many years but certainly in this period for the past three years.

I am concerned that a bit like other conflicts, Europe and, to some extent, Ireland are not speaking out forcefully enough. They do have leverage. One of the key actors in this is the United Arab Emirates, which is facilitating a flow of large-scale and sophisticated weaponry. Because of the close relations that Ireland and the European Union have with the United Arab Emirates, it is not being called out. This Government will hold the EU Presidency in the next six months. It needs to take every opportunity. In my view, this conflict is going to continue to escalate until the United States and the European Union make it enough of a priority. Both parties to the conflict believe they can win. I know that Ireland, in relative terms, is a small country but this is an appalling scale of slaughter, a humanitarian situation of displacement that needs to be addressed. The Government and Ireland need to take every opportunity it can.

A recent piece in The New York Timesby Nicholas Kristof stated that Nathanial Raymond's estimation that the number of people killed in six weeks of fighting, amounted to "a pace of killing [that] would be unrivaled since the Rwanda genocide of 1994", adding that "death toll in El Fasher in less than two months may be comparable to that in Gaza [in] two years".

In the time I have left, I acknowledge the situation in Palestine. The killings and attacks by settlers on people in the West Bank continues apace. Again, it comes back to international law. If international law is going to be applied selectively, people such as the Palestinians too often are forgotten. I raise the proposed peace plan. The Minister has acknowledged it. To say it is a flawed peace plan is to say the least but even what the US has been talking about goes far beyond that. The space for self-determination for the Palestinian people is narrowing. Ireland needs to take the actions that it can and use what leverage it has, including the occupied territories Bill, to increase pressure. The fundamental basis of that legislation is about respect for international law.

I condemn the violence and repression we have seen against protestors in Iran. The reports of thousands of deaths during these protests are absolutely shocking. We express our condemnation of violence, whether against protestors or others, and call on the Iranian Government to respect the rights of protestors to demonstrate for their fundamental rights.

John McGuinness (Carlow-Kilkenny, Fianna Fail)
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Before I call Deputy Crowe, I welcome all those in the Public Gallery. I am sure they are interested in the debate. Some are here at the invitation of the Minister of State, Deputy Troy. There is a group that represents Down's syndrome families in Kilkenny. It includes Ciara Hayes, Danny Roche, John Barry, Mary Barry and Sean Manicle, and the two leaders of that group who are central to it, Cormac and Holly. They are all very welcome. I thank them for coming along. I hope they enjoy their time in Leinster House.

Seán Crowe (Dublin South West, Sinn Fein)
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International developments is such a vague concept that it is hard to know where to start. The world is becoming increasingly chaotic and divided, with American strikes in Nigeria; the UAE arming both sides in Sudan; the shambolic ceasefire in Gaza that means that Palestinians are still dying; the ongoing conflict between Rwanda and the Democratic Republic of Congo that has displaced over a hundred thousand people into Burundi in just the past few weeks; and the ongoing war in Ukraine that grinds on. Reassuringly for Palestinians, we heard that Benjamin Netanyahu, who is responsible for the ongoing genocide in Gaza, is to join Trump's board of peace.

The current US Administration sees Europe as a punching bag and as a people that can be bullied and threatened. This is endorsed by some member states with High Representative Kallas’s comments somehow blaming others for the very real threats by the US on European sovereignty. Her comments on China are of particular interest given that the Taoiseach is only back from a trade mission to the country. It is a stark reminder that in an increasingly federalised Europe, Ireland’s views would be represented less and less and our ability to advocate for peace and conflict resolution would be greatly diminished. Ireland has so much to contribute on the world stage and that would be lessened if our course was determined solely by those in Europe like von der Leyen and Kallas who have done nothing to rein in Israel or the increasingly erratic USA.

Our over-reliance on American foreign direct investment places us on very shaky ground. Pulled on either side, east and west, the foundation of our economy is built on sand that shakes when Trump comes up with his latest schemes. We cannot derisk our economy any time soon but we must recognise that the rules based order that has existed since the end of the Cold War, and in many ways since the end of the Second World War, have been thrown out by the Americans. Greenland is only the thin end of the wedge. The US ambassador to Iceland has joked publicly that Iceland would be next after Greenland. For an ambassador to even say such things in private would have been unthinkable before Trump was President.

Appeasement has never been a successful policy. At best, it only buys you time. We appease and try to please and do not seem to grasp that we are living in a new age of imperialism. We need to finally accept that the rules by which we think the world is run are increasingly disregarded. Might makes it right, and the strongest can annex and vassalise whomever they wish.

Whether from east or west, international co-operation is at an all-time low. Multilateralism is becoming an endangered species. This is happening at a crucial time in the fight against climate change and for conflict resolution. Countries that try to stand in the way of war and genocide are excluded and even punished. They are often branded as terrorist sympathisers. Rather than looking to the future and how we divest from oil, conflicts are becoming increasingly bitter about the last of the great oil reserves. Look at Venezuela where Trump’s intervention was seemingly based entirely on the principle of seizing the country’s oil, only for the oil companies to embarrass him by deeming the venture not profitable enough.

The struggle for resources is only going to get worse and worse. Wars will be fought over them with increasingly regularity as they run out. We must ramp up our renewable energy programmes in Ireland. Renewable energy is energy security with solar and wind to replace oil and gas. Backed up by the Celtic interconnector, we can break free of a reliance on dwindling fuel supplies that come from the most exploited parts of the planet. We must also avoid putting money into the hands of oppressors such as Russia, the UAE and the US. All are bad actors and increasingly all fund their imperialist exploits through oil and gas.

Duncan Smith (Dublin Fingal East, Labour)
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To pick up on what Deputy Crowe said, even naming these statements seemed quite difficult. Statements on international development does not quite do it justice. Statements on international conflict would probably be closer to the mark. What or who has motivated these statements today? We know the answer. It is the change in the world that has been brought predominantly and almost exclusively by Donald Trump and his administration. If it was not clear before, it is certainly clear now and will continue to be made clear as a rambling speech is being made in Switzerland as we speak, that the United States is no longer a trusted ally of the European Union. The way in which the current administration is acting in the United States is increasingly imperialistic, autocratic, and indeed, fascist. These are big words, strong words and words we do not use lightly but they are backed up with what we are seeing with our own eyes on the streets of the United States and in countries around the world.

Perhaps, we would do well to heed the words of Prime Minister Carney when he said yesterday that we are "in the midst of a rupture, not a transition". While this is regrettable in a way, he said that it leaves the world in a more precarious place than ever and that there is a chance to build something better from the ashes of a partnership with an economic bully that is being led by a tyrant. Prime Minister Carney maybe captured a moment. An awful lot of people outside of politics have listened to what he said and have been taken by it, including the question of move of the middle powers and what the middle powers need to do. They are big questions. Canada is going to lean into trade agreements like Mercosur and the Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement, CETA. These are trade agreements that have been hugely problematic and in the case of Mercosur have been opposed in this country. He is also leaning into security and investment in security. Canada is the only non-EU country to have partnered up on the SAFE defence spending initiative. It is a €150 billion partnership. Again, as the world is changing rapidly and rupturing rapidly, these are huge questions that smaller nations, whatever about middle nations, are going to have to grapple with. Europe's historic partnership with the US was always built on shared values of democracy and human rights and respect for international law in the system of the United Nations. Those values are no longer shared with the United States. The new US national security strategy breaks with decades of American-led multilateralism. What it is doing in relation to Greenland, Venezuela, Gaza with this abhorrent "board of peace", which Ireland should have nothing whatsoever to do with, and Ukraine. It is viewing all of these as opportunities for profit or natural resource extraction rather than opportunities to sow peace and to deliver true security for individuals and communities. It is an indictment of the rot that has set in in Washington.

We cannot be complacent to think that Donald Trump and his administration are an aberration. This movement could continue beyond Trump. We need to plan for that, which is why the Labour Party and I have been saying over the past number of weeks that we need to plan for a hard divorce. We need to look at the anti-coercion instrument within the European Union. We need to stand up to Trump and the United States. It means no longer allowing ourselves to be vassals to Trump or the US. It means nurturing innovation at home. If we look at the announcement of EU Inc, a title I am not entirely happy with, but it is calling for investment in innovation within the European Union. This is what we need. It means recognising the world that faces us with our over-reliance on American payment systems, American software and everything. Microsoft, Visa and Mastercard are all American. We need to look at our resilience. We cannot do it on our own in Ireland. We must do it with our European partners.

The age of pragmatism demands that we in Europe realign ourselves and recommit ourselves and ensure that our sovereignty as a regional grouping, including protecting our own individual sovereignty in Ireland, is something that we must strive for. Europe must again find a backbone. We oppose the Mercosur deal because it currently goes against values we hold dear in relation to workers' rights and climate. The CETA deal needs to remove the investor courts. Canada has removed them from its agreement with the United States and Mexico. There is no reason Canada demands and Europe is allowing the investor courts to remain in the CETA agreement. If it wants movement on that, remove the investor courts.

Our economy is uniquely open to turmoil. A trade war will damage all and will likely damage Ireland more than others as we have an over-reliance on American foreign direct investment. The Irish Congress of Trade Unions has been calling for a number of years to instil more resilience and diversification into our economy and move away from our reliance on American FDI. That is not easy and will not be quick. Going back to Prime Minister Carney's speech, this is something that other states and other power blocs and regional blocs are doing. Ireland must do the same.

Trump and his allies have made it abundantly clear that any nation's sovereignty is up for debate and will be disrespected if Trump views it in his interest. For example, what are we going to do if Trump looks at the long runway of Shannon Airport and says, "I need that not just to refuel US troops, but I need it for more strategic purposes?" What will Ireland do in that scenario? That is not a fantastical one. A couple of months ago, we could not seriously contemplate what is happening in Greenland. In the past half an hour, Trump has said that he will not use force, but again he caveated that in the midst of his rambling speech. God knows what he said in the past ten minutes.

Europe need to look seriously at the anti-coercion instrument. The instrument, which would allow the EU to take measures, such as import and export restrictions on goods and services in the Single Market and to limit the access of American companies to public procurement contracts in Europe, should only ever be used as a last resort. The reason it should only ever be used as a last resort is this is not an instrument that is without consequence. If this is used, it will hurt people. It will hurt individuals and workers in Europe, America and elsewhere. However, it is an instrument that unfortunately needs to be considered at this time. This so-called trade bazooka is again language that we do not want to be used. It has been framed, and can and will deliver a clear message to those who are taking Europe on and show that Europe is not meek.

It was one thing when Trump was elected president in 2016. We all could pretend that this was an aberration and that he said more than he did. We can no longer believe that is the case. Unfortunately, in the year and a day that Trump has been president, he has done more than he has said. The lies that spew from his mouth and the reckless actions that actually increase conflict and spread war rather than spreading peace as he so arrogantly and egotistically states have ruptured the world order.

In a number of weeks, this Government may be asked to America to celebrate St. Patrick’s Day. This invitation, if it comes, will be a dangerous and volatile ask. The decision can no longer be about extending the hand of friendship through a bowl of shamrock. Instead, if the Government chooses to accept it, it should be about delivering a message. We must work with our European allies. If we are in the midst of a trade war, it might be an opportunity to engage and de-escalate.

Of course we may be in a position in which to boycott that meeting is the right course of action. All options should be on the table. We are not in normal times but we need to be strong in whatever action we choose to take. Last year seemed like a structural insult imposed upon Ireland by Trump and his Administration and we cannot allow that to happen again. If the United States does indeed move towards Greenland we in this Chamber, and Ireland as a whole, need to decide what part we will play in responding to the consequences of this decision. There are an awful lot of complexities in international conflict at present and we cannot be reductive or simplistic about it. It is not just about whether the Taoiseach will go to the White House. There are more complicated questions and ever more complicated answers, and we need to ensure we do what is best for Ireland and Europe.

John McGuinness (Carlow-Kilkenny, Fianna Fail)
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With the permission of the House I will call on the Social Democrats and Deputy Sinéad Gibney, and come back to the other speakers who are listed.

Richard Boyd Barrett (Dún Laoghaire, People Before Profit Alliance)
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I do not understand.

John McGuinness (Carlow-Kilkenny, Fianna Fail)
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Some of the speakers are not available yet.

Richard Boyd Barrett (Dún Laoghaire, People Before Profit Alliance)
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If they are not here, we should move on.

John McGuinness (Carlow-Kilkenny, Fianna Fail)
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We will give them an opportunity. We are ahead of time.

Sinéad Gibney (Dublin Rathdown, Social Democrats)
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I will spend my time speaking about international law and global order, which has been the focus of some of the Minister's comments. Increasingly the talk we hear from leaders in our Government and from other European leaders is about the global order and the rules-based order. I am so frustrated with people essentially speaking out of both sides of their mouths. We cannot speak about global order without recognising that we are the global order. It does not just sit over there. It is us. We live and breathe it. We are the member states of the European Union and the nation states of our globe that make this order happen and maintain it through our actions. We need to wake up and realise the global order exists only when we enforce the standards of international law mar is é sin bunchloch na Náisiún Aontaithe, bunchloch an oird dhomhanda agus bunchloch na síochána.

I would say this also relates, for example, to how we sign UN treaties. When we sign them they mean more than just pretty paperwork. They are what we sign up to and what we want to support and see maintained across our globe. All nations are responsible for international law and global order. International law exists because under the banner of the United Nations we have made it exist and it is crumbling because we have abandoned the universal standards of international law in Palestine, America and elsewhere because it was inconvenient, essentially.

We are right back where we were 12 months ago with Trump and the threat of tariffs. At the time we warned about bullies and insulating the Irish economy and about Trump only respecting strength. We were warned about these things and we have seen and we saw a capitulating trade deal from the EU and months of humiliation of our leaders and diplomats, including on St. Patrick's Day when in the Oval Office in the White House our Taoiseach failed to call out the President of the United States when he said the European Union had been founded to attack the US. Our Taoiseach said nothing at that point. This is where we are ten months later because we are not upholding global law and we are not respecting international law. It seems we will simply bend over backwards to please him.

I want to touch on some of the international developments that have been spoken about today, starting with Ukraine. I want to speak not only about the impact on civilians and Ukrainians here in Ireland. I welcome and commend the Government and the State for the incredible work being done. We also need to look at the humanitarian issues that people are facing within Ukraine. Humanitarian aid needs to increase to assist with this and make better the lives of the people who are living this war.

In terms of Greenland I absolutely welcome that the EU is rallying around but it is another example of where international law seems to be applied when it is convenient. Where was the same outcry with Venezuela or Gaza and Trump's actions there, and the actions of despots across the globe who are breaking this law and flouting it consistently?

In Palestine we have this so-called ceasefire under which people continue to die, the promises of aid that have not happened, the continued killings, the apartheid, the annexation of the West Bank, the banning of groups such as Doctors Without Borders and the destroying of UNRWA resources while we all look away. We speak about an age of impunity as if this impunity just happened one day. We created it by deciding the rules do not apply to our allies, our trade partners and our fellow Western countries. I know many others have referenced Mark Carney's remarks today and they are incredibly prescient.

Here is what I think we need to do. I have a few suggestions that I think the Government needs to consider in international developments. I was so disappointed and gutted to see Ireland become a signatory to the letter recently asking for rollbacks on the ECHR. We have just criticised the UK for doing exactly this. We know how crucial the ECHR is to our Good Friday Agreement and to peace on this island yet we chose under the banner of migration, on which the Government is absolutely hell bent on being strong, to undermine the ECHR and join a group of European nations in doing so when others did not. Only 26 out of 46 are signatories to it did so. This is something I really want to see the Government move back on and stop attacking the ECHR under any banner.

Do not abandon the triple lock. Do not push through the defence (amendment) Bill. Right now the triple lock is our connection to multilateralism, global order and the UN. I fully appreciate that the UN has issues and the UN Security Council has issues but the triple lock could be satisfied by the General Assembly and no effort has been made to do this. We must maintain this global order because us walking away and removing the triple lock is sending a very clear signal, not only to the UN but to all of the states across the globe, including small states that look to us for leadership and look to us for our leveraging in the United Nations and within the Security Council.

We need to pass the occupied territories Bill in full, including services, now. It is long past the promise that it was supposed to be. We must reposition our relationship with the Trump Administration. I am not anti-American. I appreciate that our ties with America are crucial, and that we have diaspora there and trade links there, but the Trump Administration is going about its business, particularly in relation to foreign affairs but really in domestic affairs as well, in a way that we cannot support. We have to ask the difficult questions whereby we seriously consider who our allies are going forward. This is not business as usual. I do not accept it when Government spokespeople say they make no apology for protecting jobs. They should make an apology for protecting jobs when it is to support an Administration that is proving itself to be in the kind of mindset that Trump has, whereby he decides he wants to acquire something and goes after it. Essentially his support for peace in Ukraine has nothing to do with peace but is to do with the rare earth minerals he wants to get his paws on. Taking Maduro out of Venezuela is not about the regime that he is running but the oil that Venezuela holds. In Palestine he is still hell bent on developing a dystopian riviera. These are not things that can be considered business as usual. We have to start saying that the emperor has no clothes.

Liam Quaide (Cork East, Social Democrats)
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I want to use my time today to express my deep respect and admiration for the peaceful protesters who took to the streets in Iran in recent weeks. They are ordinary citizens who have shown remarkable courage in standing up to tyranny, repression and extreme state violence. These are people who protested knowing the cost. They protested facing a terrifyingly high risk of imprisonment, torture and death. Yet they persisted with dignity and an unyielding demand for freedom, equality and basic human rights. Their struggle is a rejection of tyranny and of a system of entrenched patriarchal oppression that has for decades denied women autonomy over their bodies or access to basic freedoms, and has persecuted and murdered people from the LGBT community just for who they are.

The response of the Iranian regime to peaceful dissent has been a savage campaign of state terror and a bloodbath designed to quell any further appetite for protest. Demonstrations have been met with arbitrary detentions, torture and mass killing. Judicial proceedings have taken place which are, essentially, a wholesale denial of due process. We also cannot forget the many people who have been abducted and detained for years in appalling nightmarish conditions by the Iranian state, including Nazanin Zaghari-Ratcliffe and other western nationals who have been held as political hostages and used as leverage in international disputes.

Nazanin was only released in 2022 after almost six years of agonising separation from her young daughter and husband. Her detention became emblematic of a system in which human beings are treated as bargaining chips, with her freedom finally secured only after a long-standing £400 million UK-Iran debt being resolved. Other detainees have never re-emerged from the regime's squalid and brutal prison system. Their plight, without due process, transparency or contact with loved ones, lays bare the regime's profound contempt for human dignity, the rule of law and international norms.

It is also important to acknowledge the role played and the responsibility borne by international actors. The US President, Donald Trump, publicly encouraged Iranian protesters to come out onto the street, assuring them of international support. Those words carried weight. They no doubt raised expectations and they increased risk yet when the crackdown continued, that show of solidarity failed to materialise in any meaningful way and that failure amounted to reckless neglect, leaving peaceful protesters exposed to extreme violence after being urged forward without protection, backing or consequence for those responsible.

In international debates we must be crystal clear and morally consistent. We must always stand in solidarity with the Palestinian people and defend their rights under international law. They have been subjected to genocide, ethnic cleansing and ever escalating cycles of state terror by the Israeli regime. However, support by the Iranian state for Palestinian causes does not absolve it of any responsibility for its actions against its own citizens. Tyranny does not become acceptable because it cloaks itself in the language of resistance.

John McGuinness (Carlow-Kilkenny, Fianna Fail)
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I want to pick up on a phrase used by Deputy Gibney. It cannot be business as usual. Deputy Gibney is absolutely correct. The world is in a crisis, changing every single day with the usual norms not being acknowledged or adhered to. Countries are having to reshape or reset their policies in order to deal with the daily changes that are being brought on us, mainly by the US President, Donald Trump, and by others.

I urge the Government to respect the democracy of this Parliament and to have the debates that are being asked for so we can have an input, whether that is the triple lock or any other measure that is going to be discussed by the European Union in terms of policy. We should have our say. If we look across the European Union, we will see lots of countries protesting. People are feeling disenfranchised. The citizens of the European Union are certainly feeling that they are not heard. On lots of issues, people in Ireland feel they are not being heard. Policy in the past was shaped by democratically elected Members of Parliament. That is not happening at the moment. Policy is being changed and rammed down the throats of many countries and through parliaments. Some of the changes we do not even know about because we do not get a chance to debate them here.

If we are going to have meaningful change, I suggest Ireland needs to play a significant, central role in Europe in shaping policy around the proper language in dealing with all of the issues and, indeed, in informing the policy about the positions that the citizens of Europe want to take relative to their lives and their future. Peace is what Europe should be about. That is the emphasis we need to go back to as a country. I encourage the Minister to have those debates that are necessary and that we shape our policy on those grounds.

Barry Ward (Dún Laoghaire, Fine Gael)
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This is a very wide topic for debate. It covers a multitude. I have listened to what other speakers have said.

First, I will address Ireland's role in the European Union. I have always seen the European Union as a body which was all about the rule of law, respecting the rule of law and ensuring that the rule of law is the means by which we do business. That is hugely important. I have said publicly before that I am actually very disappointed with the manner in which the European Union leadership has approached the rule of law internationally. I can start with Gaza and the attitude of some in the Commission. What happened with Hamas over three years ago was appalling but it does not justify what has happened. However, there has been a very weak response from Europe collectively, although I recognise what our Government has done, how strong a voice our Government has been and how we built a coalition to support that position. The reality is that as a collective Europe has not really delivered in relation to that.

One could make similar comments around Venezuela. There has been an incredibly weak response from European leaders in respect of what Donald Trump did in Venezuela. It was an illegal invasion of another country. Yes, Maduro was a tyrant and an autocrat and somebody who did not deserve to be in office but that is true of many people around the world and yet they are not taken out by another country, particularly by a so-called western member of the global community the way America is. Essentially, that went uncriticised by European governments. I hope we now take a strong line in relation to Greenland and that Europe does stand on its own two feet instead of always backing down and appeasing because it does nothing to achieve what we would all like to see achieved.

I will mention two specific instances that relate to international affairs. Iran is one. It has gotten a lot of play in the media recently because of the appalling events that have occurred there, the thousands of people who have been killed and the many thousands more who have been arrested by their Government for simply disagreeing with the Government. It may have been precipitated by economic difficulties and a collapse in the value of the rial and all the other inflationary pressures that have been on those people but we know before the current regime in Iran there was actually a functional, free society. It has been gone since the 1970s. I am not saying the Shah was a great fellow either but there has been an oppressive regime there all that time. Hopefully, we see that coming to a head now but the ordinary people of Iran who are raising their voices, having their voices heard and who are being suppressed by their own government need to be recognised and assisted by Ireland in whatever way it can.

The other instance I want to raise is Sudan. The war in Sudan has been going on now since April 2023. An estimated 150,000 people have died in the context of that internal conflict which is more than the estimated number of people who have died in Gaza. I know Ireland has given aid. I have heard what the Minister of State, Deputy Richmond, has said in terms of that aid to date and the continuation of that aid this year. I welcome that decision. We have a Sudanese Embassy in Dublin. I do not know how many Members of this House have interacted with the ambassador. I do not know if the Minister has had that opportunity. How are we ensuring that the aid we are putting on the ground in Sudan is actually helping the people on the ground, the people who are suffering, the ordinary civilians and particularly those outside Khartoum in the areas in the west of the country who are really at risk in the context of this civil war? How are we helping them? Equally, what are we doing in relation to the United Arab Emirates and what it is doing in assisting this conflict and fostering this conflict to continue? Are we taking steps? Are we raising it with them at diplomatic level in terms of asking them to exit it? Are we talking about this issue generally because it is a huge conflict?

As we look at conflicts around the world, it is so often the case that Sub-Saharan Africa does not garner the attention that other conflicts around the world do in the media. They do not get the attention they need from the western world and from the countries which support the rule of law and say we need to be doing more to ensure the human rights of these individuals and to ensure they have a chance to live their lives in a way that all of us in this country get to. They should too. I recognise there is a limited extent to which we can intervene in Sudan or Iran or in any of the other long list of unfair or illegal conflicts around the world but we must do what we can.

Paula Butterly (Louth, Fine Gael)
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As my colleague, Deputy Barry Ward, said, this is a very wide-ranging debate but I would like to focus on international aid. In 2024, the US made $82 billion in contribution under USAID. In 2025, it was just under $20 billion. Other European countries and Great Britain also announced major cuts in their contribution which means it is estimated that only 29% of global humanitarian funding needs are being met. In a world that is changing before our eyes, how are we even going to possibly believe we will be in a position to meet the vast humanitarian needs that require increased, not decreased, funding? The Minister and the Minister of State, Deputy Richmond, have said that providing aid to these countries is not just beneficial, it is not something that just soothes our souls, but it is a practical and common-sense approach as it will bear fruit in the long term as the goal is that these countries will in time be operating as sustainable and growing economies.

Insufficient humanitarian aid costs lives. If the Ceann Comhairle will permit me, I would like to drive home this point with a few numbers. The Impact Counter estimates that over 750,000 deaths have arisen as a result in cuts to USAID alone. An estimated 16,000 children are dead due to lack of HIV-AIDS funding; 160,000 children are dead as a result of pneumonia; 150,000 children are dead because of malnutrition; 52,000 children are dead as a result of malaria; and, extraordinarily, 125,000 children are dead as a result of diarrhoea.

The sad reality is that we may never know the true cost of human life as a result of these cuts, as many of the systems that once tracked deaths and diseases in developing countries have simply ceased to exist.

The Minister should think of the ramifications, not only for the people of these countries but what it could mean for us here at home. If these systems no longer exist, how can we track and trace current or future diseases? What impact could that have on us here at home in Ireland?

To return to my initial point, in these times of turmoil and uncertainty how will international aid be affected in the coming 12 months or the 12 months beyond that? While some countries may choose to turn their backs on countries like Sudan and Ukraine, others may feel paralysed to act or intimidated by bigger players. Ireland must stand strong on its humanitarian principles. We must continue to increase funding to those that have a greater need. Ireland must use its voice at all costs to call out the wrongful actions and unlawful actions of all those that perpetrate them.

Pearse Doherty (Donegal, Sinn Fein)
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This debate is happening in parallel with the World Economic Forum - a get-together where the political elite meet with billionaires in the Swiss Alps. Far removed from the lives of ordinary people, they meet to discuss the world's problems. Billionaires solving the world's problems is like Jack the Ripper trying to solve crime.

Trump, another billionaire, spoke at Davos earlier today. Let us be clear: the US has been an aggressive international actor for decades. That is a fact. There have been covert operations, direct military intervention and support for violent regimes. The trail of destruction did not begin with Trump. The US has projected economic and military power for as long as I can remember, but now that greedy eye has turned on an EU member state and Greenland. Now Europe is at the sharp end of US economic coercion.

This needs to be a wake-up call across Europe and here at home in Ireland. The job of government is always to stand up for Ireland's interests. Our interests lie in a world where national sovereignty is respected, whether that is in the Middle East, South America or Europe. Our interest lies in a world where international law is adhered to. It is hard to have any hope for international law after we witnessed what happened in Gaza. Now the perpetrator of that genocide, Netanyahu, is being invited to join the so-called "Board of Peace". That is the warped world view we are dealing with when we are negotiating with the US. Diplomacy is always the answer, but diplomacy does not mean appeasement.

While power politics is making a return, this Government is pressing ahead with dismantling the triple lock, the core safeguard that anchors Irish neutrality, democratic oversight and United Nations authority. The triple lock is not an inconvenience; it is the clearest expression of Ireland's belief that small states rely on law, not force, and that Irish troops are deployed overseas only when democratic consent and clear UN authorisation exists. At the very moment when the UN is being sidelined, ignored or bypassed across the globe, this Government's response is not to defend it, but to weaken Ireland's reliance on it. In a world that is fundamentally changed, this is not realism. It is an outdated and dangerously complacent foreign policy mindset rooted in the belief that Ireland's safest course is silence, compliance and never saying "No" to Washington. That way of operating was never a good idea, but now it is completely untenable.

I will finish on this point, a Cheann Comhairle. Since the financial crisis we have seen and witnessed a decade of austerity - the lost decade. Now we are halfway through the squandered decade, with all the money and nothing to show for it. Our destiny is in our own hands. International turmoil should be a warning to get our house in order, not another excuse for Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael to hide behind.

Naoise Ó Cearúil (Kildare North, Fianna Fail)
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One hundred and seven years ago today, in 1919, this House - Dáil Éireann - sat for the very first time. It did so at a time of conflict. There was more conflict to come with a brutal Civil War. This country has moved significantly from war - the War of Independence, the Civil War and the Troubles in the North - to peace. There are lessons to be learned internationally about our own process and how we have developed as a nation, but what stands at the front of my mind every single day is that there are conflicts throughout the world - in Ukraine, Gaza, Sudan, Yemen, Myanmar, Nigeria and what looks like more conflict starting up on what seems almost a daily basis. Sovereignty, particularly for ourselves in Ireland but also internationally, is something that is exercised and not just declared.

Our transformation - our journey from poverty to a modern state - is something that many people look upon as a good example. Notwithstanding what we have achieved in education, health and the transparency of government, as well as the long-term stability built over decades at this stage, there are still issues that we all try to address here on a daily basis. The European Union, or the EEC as it was when we joined initially, has been at the core of our development as a country. The collective decision-making of the European Union has allowed us to prosper in ways many people before us did not think we would. We moved from a primarily agricultural society to one that is far more modern. It still has large elements of agriculture, but has become a shining example of a modern democracy in a modern country.

However, the European Union has felt weak in the past decade or two when it comes to exerting its influence - "dominance" is the wrong word - throughout the world. There are positive examples, particularly in trade deals, although there have been significant issues with Mercosur, especially from an agricultural perspective, in particular for beef farmers but there are huge opportunities there as well. We need to acknowledge the opportunities of CETA, Mercosur and further trade agreements that will come down the line with countries in Oceania and Asia, and looking to Australia, New Zealand, Japan and indeed China, because there are huge opportunities there for us. We should not allow ourselves as Europeans to be dictated to or bullied by partners or indeed as Irish people. Our reliance on international co-operation should not be seen as a weak point in any way, shape or form, particularly from those we consider allies.

That leads into the political volatility in the US. We hear consistently about President Trump speaking of Greenland, and acting in Venezuela. To be honest, this is one of the most authoritarian approaches I have ever seen in my lifetime from a political leader. What gives me some heart is that if we look at the polls in the US in relation to Trump's proposal to take over Greenland by force or by a deal, as he would like to call it, we see that the vast majority of Americans are against it. It is important to recognise that while Trump is the President of the United States, he does not necessarily speak for the majority of Americans. It is clear that the vast majority of the American people are not in favour of any type of aggressive behaviour towards Greenland or indeed Denmark and its allies.

Mark Carney gave a speech at the World Economic Forum in which he spoke about prosperity being rooted in trust, institutions, and co-operation and the rejection of chaos and unilateralism. It is by working together that we have developed not only as a country, but indeed within the European Union, and internationally as well. By standing together rather than standing alone, we can increase and improve the livelihoods of Irish people and those throughout the European Union and worldwide.

Ruairí Ó Murchú (Louth, Sinn Fein)
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There is an absolute misunderstanding in relation to Donald Trump.

I am delighted to hear him say he wants a piece of ice for world protection, saying it as it is. Donald Trump obviously sees himself somewhat differently from how the rest of us see him. All he is missing is a Marvel superhero cape. That is where we are.

I concur with what some of my colleagues said earlier. It is an incredibly scary world we are now in but we have to adhere to our belief in the importance of national sovereignty, of being able to stand against might and of the righteousness and necessity of international law and multilateralism. Despite the weaknesses of the United Nations and all that has been done to it, it remains necessary and cannot be replaced with a board of peace. It is like something straight out of 1984. We have all seen the characters involved. It is easy enough to become involved and cheap at the price. It is $1 billion to buy yourself in.

We are looking at nothing but conflict and instability. I am talking about the genocide in Palestine and the so-called peace at the minute. In this peace, we do not see any justice for the Palestinian people. I am also talking about the brutal conflict in Ukraine instigated by the Russians and about the abject savagery and destruction in Sudan. We have seen draconian actions in Iran.

We have seen an American President who is out of control. I am talking about Venezuela and the threat to Greenland. We all heard about this threat a year ago but we did not take it in any way seriously. Donald Trump believes he has a right to an empire. I am certainly not going to defend America's history of involvement internationally or the wrongs done in the Middle East, across south and central America or in Africa but there was an element of understanding that it had a nouveauempire, it maintained that empire and there was a cost to that. Donald Trump now wants to screw over his allies. There will be a need to stand up to him. It is all well and good to say that he does not necessarily have the support of the American people but we have not seen any checks and balances being able to rein him in.

Verona Murphy (Wexford, Independent)
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I thank Deputy Ó Murchú.

Ruairí Ó Murchú (Louth, Sinn Fein)
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We are in a very dangerous place. We all want to see something different happen.

Verona Murphy (Wexford, Independent)
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I call Deputy Paul Murphy.

Ruairí Ó Murchú (Louth, Sinn Fein)
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However, at this point, there is a threat to Greenland and to the European Union. I am very worried about tariffs and the economic destruction that is going to happen.

Verona Murphy (Wexford, Independent)
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Deputy Ó Murchú, it is now the other Deputy Murphy's time.

Paul Murphy (Dublin South West, Solidarity)
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Donald Trump is a monster. The one good thing about him is that he exposes the monstrous reality of the imperialist and capitalist world system we live in. It is a system that is ugly, bloody and brutal and in which might is right, profits matter for all and people matter for nothing. He has done away with the fig leaf of international law and exposed the US's naked and violent imperialism for everyone to see.

One of the things exposed by Trump is the subordinate position of the European Union. In Davos yesterday, the Prime Minister of Belgium, Bart De Wever is reported as saying:

Until now, we tried to appease the new president in the White House.... But now so many red lines are being crossed ... Being a happy vassal is one thing. Being a miserable slave is something else.

There we have it. The highest aspiration of European leaders is to be a "happy vassal" to the US. Is the Minister of State a happy vassal or is he a miserable slave? Despite all the evidence of the results of appeasement, Fianna Fáil, Fine Gael and the Lowry group continue with their boot-licking and their attempts at appeasement. After the US funding, arming and supporting the genocide in Gaza for over two years and the apartheid state of Israel for decades, the Government is still appeasing Trump. It is scandalously breaking the promise it made to the electorate on the occupied territories Bill. It was practically silent when it came to the kidnapping of President Maduro and his wife Cilia Flores, the killing of dozens of Venezuelans and Cubans and the injuring of over 100. The Government now says it will give consideration to the board of peace plans. It says it attaches the highest importance to the UN Charter but, in reality, it is part of the process of tearing up that charter. That is what getting rid of the triple lock is about. It is now in a bind because of the threats to Greenland. Ordinary people want the Government to stand up, not to give the President the shamrock on St. Patrick's Day. and to stop the US's use of Shannon Airport.

Roderic O'Gorman (Dublin West, Green Party)
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The title of this business, "International Developments: Statements", has the capacity to include many things. It could include the Irish Iranians whom I joined in demonstrating outside the Dáil earlier. They were protesting the bloody and brutal repression of protests on the part of the Government of the Islamic Republic of Iran. It could include the Palestinian protestors on the other side of the road, who were highlighting the ongoing killing of civilians in Gaza and the West Bank despite the existence of a ceasefire and the ongoing threat to the potential of a two-state solution created by the expansion of settlements. We can do something small but meaningful in that regard by passing Senator Frances Black's occupied territories Bill, including services, in full.

I will use the short amount of time I have today to speak about the situation in Greenland. We cannot overstate how serious the current situation is. The sabre rattling we are hearing from President Trump is very reminiscent of what we heard from Vladimir Putin in 2020 and 2021 in advance of the invasion of Ukraine. If the United States attempts to take Greenland against the stated wishes of the people of Greenland, it will shatter the relationship between Europe and the United States. It will spark an economic conflict that will leave both the US and the EU worse off. Greenland is not a piece of ice, as President Trump has described it. It is a sovereign territory with a long and proud history. It is important to say that history has involved working closely with the United States for many years.

On Monday, I wrote to the Taoiseach to ask that he, the Minister and Ministers of State in Deputy Byrne's Department brief Opposition leaders on the EU's response, the suspension of the EU-US trade deal, the threat of tariffs on eight countries and the potential use of the anti-coercion instrument. The Taoiseach has said he will do that. It would be useful for those briefings to take place so that we can understand. The Opposition was generally supportive during the tariffs crisis last year. People would like to understand the approach being adopted. Ireland has to use every relationship with the United States below Cabinet level to make changes to the US approach.

Richard Boyd Barrett (Dún Laoghaire, People Before Profit Alliance)
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The double standards, the hypocrisy, the soft pedalling and the bending of the knee to Trump's bullying and imperialism have now come back to bite European governments, including our own. It does not matter how much you bend the knee. What is worse is that governments have gone along with his horrific policies. Most notable among these are European governments, who are now horrified at the threats to Greenland or, more accurately, Nunarput, which is what the people of Greenland call it. Last night, I spoke alongside an Inuit person from the capital, Nuuk, who pointed out that they were also the victims of Danish colonialism. Now, the Irish Government has suddenly taken to referring to "the Kingdom of Denmark". Since when are we trumpeters for kingdoms?

Thomas Byrne (Meath East, Fianna Fail)
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Each to their own.

Richard Boyd Barrett (Dún Laoghaire, People Before Profit Alliance)
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We stand with the people of Nunarput and the Inuit people's right to self-determination. They certainly do not want to be invaded or taken over by Donald Trump but neither do they want their future controlled by the Kingdom of Denmark. This is the problem.

Yesterday, along with Deputy Duncan Smith of the Labour Party, I met with the German ambassador to discuss Daniel Tatlow-Devally.

He is an Irish citizen who is languishing in a German prison since August because he protested against Elbit Systems, which has armed Israel's genocide. Germany is one of the biggest exporters of weapons and one of the biggest supporters of the Israeli State, despite the genocidal massacre, years of apartheid, the siege of Gaza and so on. Daniel is languishing in a prison, 23 hours a day. He is allowed two half-hour visits a month. He is not even allowed hug his parents. He is screened off. His books are vetted so he cannot get his own books. He is going to be in prison until at least the middle of the year. He is being held under legislation for organised crime. They did engage in civil disobedience against Elbit Systems but Elbit Systems is providing the weapons to slaughter the people of Gaza in a genocidal massacre. He was acting in good faith and now he is languishing in a German prison.

That speaks to the Government's allies, its partners, the coalition of the willing, who are now angry because the interests of Europe have been infringed. They are quite happy when Venezuela is attacked and when their partners in Europe continue to provide the weapons for Israel to commit the genocide. They continue to have normal relationships with the United Arab Emirates as they provide the weapons to the RSF to commit a genocide in Sudan which has killed 150,000 people, or the Saudi dictatorship. We have the justified criticism of the Iranian regime for brutal repression of its own people, which should be condemned, but at the same time we go on trade missions to Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates, which are even more brutal dictatorships. I refer also to the Egyptian regime, which is backing another faction in Sudan and is also guilty of complicity with the horrors that have displaced 12 million people there and led to 150,000 deaths. Surely this should prompt an end to the double standards of European governments and actual action against the bullying of Trump and his imperialism.

Malcolm Byrne (Wicklow-Wexford, Fianna Fail)
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I thank the Minister of State for being here for this very important debate. As others have said, we could touch on any number of topics from Russia's illegal invasion of Ukraine and the ongoing horrors we are seeing in the Middle East to what has been happening in Sudan. I think what is important in this House is that Ireland reasserts our values, the things that have always been important to us when it comes to dealing with conflict and with international relations. That is a commitment to multilateralism, to the values of human rights, to the rule of law and democracy, and to a commitment to free and fair trade. Trade is one of those things that ensures we lift people out of poverty. When nations interact and depend on each other, the opportunities for conflict diminish. Unfortunately, we are seeing the concept of investment in free and fair trade attacked as we are seeing human rights, the rule of law and democracy attacked. It is important that we call out those values, whether it is in the case of allies in the United States. I do believe that in the case of Venezuela it was a breach of international law taking out Maduro but I believe also, in respect of Maduro's regime in Venezuela, which led to systematic repression and oppression and arbitrary detention and where nearly 8 million refugees fled that country, that those actions need to be called to account. I find it somewhat odd hearing certain people calling on representatives of the Government not to attend the White House on St. Patrick's Day although they felt it perfectly acceptably to attend the Maduro presidential inauguration. I do believe that has to be called out.

Richard Boyd Barrett (Dún Laoghaire, People Before Profit Alliance)
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I did not, just to be clear.

Malcolm Byrne (Wicklow-Wexford, Fianna Fail)
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I do want to refer to Greenland and the threats we are seeing there. I am possibly one of the few Members, if not the only Member of this House, who has actually been to Greenland.

Richard Boyd Barrett (Dún Laoghaire, People Before Profit Alliance)
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Nunarput.

Malcolm Byrne (Wicklow-Wexford, Fianna Fail)
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I would share Deputy Boyd Barrett's view that the Inuit people are a wonderful and friendly people. It is one of the challenges in this debate. A lot of the discussion is rightly around geopolitics and security but we do need to think about the 57,000 people who live there. It is for the people of Greenland to determine their future. They have made very clear that at present they want to remain as part of Denmark. We need to show solidarity with them. Mark Carney summed it up very well this week. It is time for those of us in those countries that believe in the values of democracy, human rights and the rule of law to stand up to bullying tactics, as President Macron referred to.

I would also say, and this is important, the United States has been a long friend of Ireland. Regardless of the politics we have many family, trade, educational and cultural links. I know the United States. It is a wonderful place. Americans are friendly and welcoming and want to develop those friendships. I hope we can use whatever channels we have to continue to encourage partnership between Ireland, Europe and the United States to de-escalate the current tensions we are seeing.

Catherine Callaghan (Carlow-Kilkenny, Fine Gael)
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I welcome the opportunity to make a statement on international developments. I will use my time to speak about Greenland. I know I am not alone in wishing that questions of territorial integrity and respect for national sovereignty were a thing of the past. When it comes to Greenland, there is no question but that the future of the island lies solely in the hands of its people and the kingdom of Denmark, and it always will. Events in Greenland over recent weeks have moved at breakneck speed. Amidst a flurry of threats, insults and uncertainty, I am heartened by the calm, measured and firm response provided by our Government and by the European Union. Global peace and security rest on the foundation of international law and the principles of the UN Charter. They are principles I have served overseas to uphold. I did not wear the United Nations blue beret in Lebanon alongside my Irish Defence Forces colleagues so that we could consign these principles to history. When we discuss international law, we do not discuss an abstract, empty concept but a real and vital safeguard that protects and preserves a peaceful world. International law affords the same status and protections to countries big and small. As a result, it is of crucial importance to small nations like our own and Denmark also. It is also our sole protection, alongside the principles of the UN Charter, from a world where small nations are disregarded, where force is the only common language and where might makes right.

In response to recent tariff announcements from the United States, I welcome our Government's commitment to and close co-ordination with our EU partners. The solidarity shown by EU ambassadors at their recent meeting, at which Denmark and Greenland received the full backing of those in attendance, is testament to the fact that Europe will not yield to bullying and intimidation. In recent history, our open, dynamic economy has been fuelled by stable trading relationships with reliable partners in Europe and overseas, to an enormous degree of success. Tariffs play no role in this success. The threatened tariffs against six EU partners would undermine transatlantic relations and are completely incompatible with the EU and US trade agreement. The only way forward to resolve issues of concern to the US is through dialogue and engagement. It has to be said that Denmark and Greenland have confirmed on multiple occasions that they are open to proactive, constructive dialogue on all issues.

I am encouraged to see Ireland as an active and constructive partner to these discussions. I know our Government will do everything it can to protect international law and the UN Charter in the coming weeks. I welcome the leadership shown by An Tánaiste and the Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade, who are consistently doing everything in their power to facilitate a space where common sense can prevail. Europe and the United States have deep and historic ties, which no single person can derail. During an unprecedented period of tension in this relationship, I am glad that Ireland has chosen to meet heated rhetoric with cool composure.

John Connolly (Galway West, Fianna Fail)
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I share the sentiment of many Members as to how depressing the situation the world finds itself in at the moment is. Having endured the depth of international conflict and war that was witnessed during the 20th century, we find that leaders of major international powers could make decisions that could bring us back to a point of significant tension again. This could undo the great work that was done by many of the institutions formed following the Second World War which have set about trying to maintain international law.

Today I will use my time to raise with the Minister of State the circumstances one Irish citizen finds himself in as a result of the increasingly hostile international environment.

Mr. Dmitry Simbaev is an Irish citizen who has been living here for in the region of 25 years. He resides in Claregalway, County Galway, and is a valued employee of PennEngineering there. Dmitry was visiting family in Russia last August when he was arrested and detained in a detention centre at Chelyabinsk in Russia. Since that time, his wife Daria has had no direct contact. His family in Russia has had only limited opportunity for updates on his well-being. Dmitry's wife believes his detention is due to her Ukrainian citizenship and the fact she made commentary on social media criticising the Russian invasion of Ukraine. On his arrival in Russia, Dmitry's phone was taken by the Russian authorities. It is believed they encountered these messages or contributions by Daria on social media. Dmitry was arrested as a result and was charged. He is facing two charges in the Russian detention centre. One relates to online commentary and, I suppose, his propensity to ignite terrorism. I am no expert on Russian law, but the second charge is cited under Article 330.2 of the criminal code of the Russian Federation, which is that he has failed to file a timely notification about acquiring foreign citizenship or a residence permit. That essentially reads to me like he is being tried with gaining Irish citizenship and not informing the Russian Federation of that. We should take some offence to that.

Obviously, there are many concerns about the situation, most notably the uncertainty about how long Dmitry will be in the detention centre, but also his treatment there. We have no sense of how he is being treated. I know that the Minister of State, through his good offices, previously got in touch with the Irish Embassy in Moscow on my behalf and some consular assistance is being provided to Dmitry's family, but we do not know how he is being treated. It is of great concern to Daria, his family and his many friends in Galway.

I know that we do not enjoy a very positive relationship with the Russian Federation at the moment and there are strained relationships between the two nations, but we both maintain embassies in each other's country. I urge the Department, the Minister of State, the Minister and perhaps the Taoiseach to make some effort to raise the case of Dmitry with the appropriate authorities in Europe and Russia to try to make sure he is being well-treated and can come home.

Cathy Bennett (Cavan-Monaghan, Sinn Fein)
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In the face of an ever more uncertain global environment, is it right that Ireland considers both how best we can be a constructive force for good as well as what is required in terms of our own security? At a time when the multilateral system is under attack from those who seek to discredit, dismantle or even supplant it entirely, Ireland should come to its defence. It is both the right thing to do and best serves Ireland's interest. The multilateral system and international law are the best protection that small nations such as Ireland can avail of.

Our history of colonialism, our peace process, our experience and who we are are crucial to Ireland's credibility and have been central to the many positive contributions Ireland has made to global peace efforts. Our neutrality has been central to our credibility. The triple lock neutrality protection has been a cornerstone. The Minister of State does not have to take my word for it. His own Department's website states that our EU partners understand our policy of neutrality through a protocol of the Lisbon treaty. That protocol outlines the triple lock.

Thomas Byrne (Meath East, Fianna Fail)
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It does not.

Cathy Bennett (Cavan-Monaghan, Sinn Fein)
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What message is the Government sending to EU partners on our neutrality when, to remove the provision, it is citing that protocol as informing it? If the Government wishes to undo the solemn commitment it made to the Irish people during the second Lisbon referendum, it should place its proposals before the people through a referendum. It would have the opportunity to cite others as having abandoned neutrality.

There are those who bang the drums for war, act as mouthpieces for the armaments industry and decry Ireland as a defence freeloader. They are the same parties that have overseen what has happened to our Defence Forces and that now, through seeking to gut neutrality, are attempting to grant themselves the authority to deploy Irish soldiers abroad without UN mandate. I recall the famous banner outside Liberty Hall that stated: "We serve neither king nor kaiser but Ireland".

In the interim, I will pose this question. If the Taoiseach is so willing to cast aside his previous Government's solemn national declaration to the Irish people on the triple lock, is his Government not the last you would wish to give this power to?

Michael Collins (Cork South-West, Independent Ireland Party)
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The international situation is changing by the minute. These developments are a cause of huge concern to the Irish people and are causing huge concern across the world. Threats are being made to innocent people, which is something we as a neutral country must always condemn. We must always support those who are in great difficulty and continue to do that.

There are a lot of calls for the Taoiseach not to go to Washington. I do not agree with that. It is a hugely important moment and if we break that, we could break it for the future. That is something this country cannot afford to do. We certainly have to raise concerns. In fact, those concerns have to be raised; there is no issue about that. Staying outside the door is a bad and negative move. I would never approve of that.

The problem we have is that a lot of international decisions can be made in a very soft and easier way initially, for example, the Mercosur deal and the appalling carry-on that is going on there. The Minister of State will know that Ciaran Mullooly has been out there fighting, nearly single-handedly, to swing this decision around. Thankfully, the challenge through the European courts will go ahead. Will the Minister of State get the Taoiseach and Tánaiste involved to go out to Europe? I invite him to recognise the democratic decision of the European Parliament because the German leader decided today that it was not democracy at all. We are talking about democracy being thrown in the bin, but that is a true challenge to our democracy. I invite the Minister of State to recognise the democratic decision of the European Parliament today to refer the EU Mercosur deal to the European courts for legal analysis. Our MEP, Ciaran Mullooly, and his team will now work with fellow MEPs to ensure that the targets set out in the programme for Government can be delivered and that our Government will continue to work with like-minded countries to oppose the Mercosur trade deal.

We are concerned about reports from Strasbourg this afternoon, which I have talked to Ciaran Mullooly about, about how the European Commission may now decide to attempt some form of provisional implementation of the deal before it returns to the European courts, despite clear parameters and guidelines about such a scenario. The comments made specifically by the German prime minister, Mr. Merz, are:

The European Parliament’s decision on the Mercosur Agreement is regrettable. It misjudges the geopolitical situation. We are convinced of the agreement’s legality. No more delays. The agreement must now be applied provisionally.

It is now time to get our Taoiseach and Tánaiste going. This is no disrespect to the Minister of State. He is doing his part and doing it as best he can, but it is an astonishing situation that the German leader has decided that he will not agree to this. He thinks he is not going to agree to this, but it is up to the leaders of our country to say this is a red-line issue. He has no choice but to agree to it. A clear and unequivocal statement by the Taoiseach and Tánaiste on the validity and standing of the European Parliament vote today and the objection of Ireland to any provisional implementation is needed. There should be a clear and unequivocal statement at the next European Council meeting that any move to bring forward a provisional implementation of the EU-Mercosur trade deal will now be a red-line issue for this State, and a move to seek support from all other member states in the enforcement of the correct procedures, with direct meetings in member states, attended and verified by all Irish MEPs.

Our MEP is out there single-handedly tearing this apart. He has written to every Spanish and Italian MEP, in their language, to tell them what a crisis this will bring to Europe, but some of our European leaders are going to defy the reality of the deal. Sadly, we come back to our own MEPs. What happened to Maria Walsh today? Did she get stung in the finger? She voted against this legal challenge today. We have Fine Gael all over the bloody place on this deal. Regina Doherty and Sean Kelly backed the German leader today. They backed an Ursula von der Leyen deal against the Irish people.

Thomas Byrne (Meath East, Fianna Fail)
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Backing their constituents.

Michael Collins (Cork South-West, Independent Ireland Party)
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Good God, this is not good enough. We have a Fianna Fáil MEP, Barry Andrews, who is after doing the same. Has the Government any Whip or any control over them? Are they out of control in Europe? Ming Flanagan failed to turn up today to vote for the people, despite all the oul social media nonsense he has every day of the week telling us what he is doing for the people. He forgot to turn up today to vote for the Irish people. These MEPs are becoming traitors to our own country.

The Government has to stand up to them. The Government parties are afraid of them. It is going on long enough. They are afraid of them.

Thomas Byrne (Meath East, Fianna Fail)
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Tell that to the workers in Eli Lilly. Tell that to the farmers working in your own constituency. You know what you are doing with your language.

Michael Collins (Cork South-West, Independent Ireland Party)
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They have had ample opportunity. It is my turn to talk. The Minister of State can talk after. They have had ample opportunity to take them and sit down with them and talk to those MEPs and they have not done that.

Verona Murphy (Wexford, Independent)
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Thank you, Deputy.

Michael Collins (Cork South-West, Independent Ireland Party)
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They have not got them to change their mind.

Verona Murphy (Wexford, Independent)
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Deputy, language is important and the word "traitor"-----

Michael Collins (Cork South-West, Independent Ireland Party)
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Sorry, but it is hugely important.

Verona Murphy (Wexford, Independent)
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-----is not really a word that is appropriate. I ask you to withdraw that word.

Michael Collins (Cork South-West, Independent Ireland Party)
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I respect that and I apologise. I withdraw that. I am sorry, but I am very annoyed and frustrated.

Verona Murphy (Wexford, Independent)
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And your time is up.

Michael Collins (Cork South-West, Independent Ireland Party)
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The bottom line is here-----

Verona Murphy (Wexford, Independent)
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We now have to move to Deputy Lawless.

Paul Lawless (Mayo, Aontú)
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I am just off a plane from Strasbourg. Over the past number of days, I met many MEPs who were wavering and on the fence in relation to this issue, who abstained in the previous vote and who said "I hear your prime minister is against Mercosur, but where is he? How come he never reached out to us?" How is it the case that the programme for Government explicitly states that the Government will work proactively. It took the Opposition, smaller parties and Independents to lead the charge on this, not the Government with all of its power, with the apparatus of the State and the Department of foreign affairs, etc. It is incredibly disappointing. I heard the Minister of State's comment in reply to Deputy Collins and would like to make this point to him.

Thomas Byrne (Meath East, Fianna Fail)
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Go down to Valeo in Tuam and give that speech.

Paul Lawless (Mayo, Aontú)
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I will not interrupt the Minister of State.

Thomas Byrne (Meath East, Fianna Fail)
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You will not go to Tuam and give that speech-----

Verona Murphy (Wexford, Independent)
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That is unacceptable, Deputy Byrne.

Thomas Byrne (Meath East, Fianna Fail)
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-----to the car factory.

Paul Lawless (Mayo, Aontú)
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The fact is that farmers are bound to the land. In other circumstances, larger corporations, etc., where regulatory burdens become significant, can migrate and relocate. They can create shell companies. Farmers are bound to the land. A farmer in Ballyhaunis, Castlebar, Louisburgh or anywhere across the country is farming that land. The Government is putting him at a significant disadvantage. It is a significant anti-competitive practice to allow a product with an inferior standard to compete in the same marketplace. The Government has done this to the tillage sector. Irish native grain growers are competing against genetically modified produce that is coming in from outside this country.

Verona Murphy (Wexford, Independent)
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Thank you. I call Deputy Gogarty.

Paul Lawless (Mayo, Aontú)
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I ask the Minister of State. If a small party like Aontú can do it-----

Verona Murphy (Wexford, Independent)
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Deputy, you are in your colleague's time.

Paul Lawless (Mayo, Aontú)
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When is the Government going to get off the fence and come out against this Mercosur deal-----

Verona Murphy (Wexford, Independent)
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I call Deputy Gogarty.

Paul Lawless (Mayo, Aontú)
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-----and not just in relation to the programme for Government but actually-----

Verona Murphy (Wexford, Independent)
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Deputy Lawless, respect the time.

Paul Lawless (Mayo, Aontú)
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-----proactively oppose this deal?

Paul Gogarty (Dublin Mid West, Independent)
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I welcome the opportunity-----

Paul Lawless (Mayo, Aontú)
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Your MEPs did not vote against it.

Thomas Byrne (Meath East, Fianna Fail)
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Because some of them spoke to workers.

Paul Lawless (Mayo, Aontú)
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Where are your MEPs?

Thomas Byrne (Meath East, Fianna Fail)
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They were discussing with your constituents who work in factories in your area. That is probably why they had a different view.

Verona Murphy (Wexford, Independent)
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Sorry, Deputy Lawless. Have respect for the Chair please. Excuse me, we will have respectful discourse. If I say, "Stop", that is when you stop, thank you.

Paul Gogarty (Dublin Mid West, Independent)
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I welcome the opportunity to speak on international events, however brief my time. The Government has quite a bit of input from the European Union perspective. We have President Donald Trump addressing the World Economic Forum. He said he is not going to use military force today, but he is putting pressure. As the Tánaiste said, we have some aces up our sleeves as well. The Government are dealing with a narcissist and a big baby supported by a vice president who is worthy of less admiration because he lambasted the current US President and then when he got into office, he acted like a coward. The current administration will hopefully be out of office in a while, but we have to keep our links with our friends in the US because there is sanity in that country among the vast majority of the population but we have to get through these troubled times in the meantime. All we can do is speak softly and act with one united European Union voice. Unfortunately, many times we do not have that united voice, but I urge the Minister of State, the Taoiseach and the Tánaiste to use whatever influence they have, not just in relation to the Greenland issue but the ongoing issues in Israel and Gaza, as well as Iran, something I will return to during Leaders' Questions tomorrow.

Martin Daly (Roscommon-Galway, Fianna Fail)
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As a small country we are living in a time of flux and realignment. Because of our size and open trading economy we have to, as we have in the past, be prepared to navigate uncertain times. If we ever needed reminding, we need to use our position in the European Union to negotiate with a block that has heft and power in an age where it appears might equals right and supersedes international law. Those who say our foreign policy should be solely values driven are out of touch. As a small trading nation, we need to prosecute a foreign policy that is in our national interests if we are to maintain living standards and services. In a world where large political blocs seem determined to carve up spheres of influence and control we have to operate through the European Union. To do anything else would be foolhardy in the extreme. Canadian Prime Minister Carney has identified and pointed the way in this regard. He has alluded to the weaponisation of coercive economic integration, tariffs, financial services and supply chains. Canada is not Ireland. It is bigger, richer and has natural resources, but it has depended on the benign integration of the majority of its trade with its southern neighbour. Since that threat came 12 months ago, Prime Minister Carney has responded deftly with a committed 1 trillion Canadian dollars in trade diversification and resilience measures like new east-west ports, new east-west rail infrastructure and the purchase of defence technology from Sweden that gives them control and autonomy over its use rather than continued dependence on the US. It is prepared to develop new markets in Europe and Asia. We have to learn from this example. We have been talking for years about developing indigenous industry, and this Government has been investing in research and development. That is not say we should not continue to keep our communications to our allies and friends in the US open when productive and in the event of change of policy after the mid-term elections. However, it appears the world has changed, and we should not depend on it going back to the way it was. We have seen the supply chain disruptions caused by Russia's aggressive war in Ukraine and a sense that the US has disengaged from its long-standing commitment to the security of Europe. While Europe has already woken from that complacency we in Ireland will have to re-evaluate our own commitment to our own security, irrespective of our military neutrality. We have been supported from the EU in the development of a modern, sophisticated State with full employment, and during the financial crash and Brexit. We owe solidarity to the smaller countries of the Union that, like ourselves, depend on operating through a large bloc.

John Lahart (Dublin South West, Fianna Fail)
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Never before have we more needed adults in the room than at this time in our history, and in what the Taoiseach has described as uncharted territory. We also need to not lose sight during this debate, which I welcome, that the greatest threat to the Union we are part of is Russia. Military neutrality has been raised here and I am a stout defender at every opportunity I get internationally as chair of the foreign affairs and trade committee, or here at home talking to anybody prepared to listen in any forum. I support military neutrality, but never before has it become more obvious to me that Ireland needs to be in a position to protect its neutrality, to defend itself, and particularly to offer itself as a country that is in a position to protect the quite considerable business assets that other countries invest here. We will have investment in perpetuity if we can show the rest of the world that we are prepared to invest in our security and in protecting our neutral status. We must be prepared to defend and protect our neutrality. That means adult conversations. There are structures in place in other countries such as the UK. They may call it the privy council, where a prime minister can call in the leaders of the opposition parties to show them latest intelligence they are privy to have from the highest reliable sources in the country. It is what they have been told and is what is informing their policy. If the opposition parties were sitting in that chair, it is what they would be informed of too. This is confidential information. Every country has confidential information it has to protect, and it can trust in that kind of source and structure to ensure people will not abuse that kind of information.

Regarding our trade with the USA, we are in a delicate situation. Some $1 billion worth of trade comes across the Atlantic every six hours into the European Union. Much of that travels through our country through data and services. The need to pivot and not be completely reliant on the US is something the previous speaker adverted to in the case of Canada.

We do not want to have all our eggs in the US basket either but we have a unique relationship with the United States of America. There are 900 US companies based here, with a number of very significant companies headquartered here. Some 300,000 people are employed by Irish companies in America. More than 200,000 people are employed by American companies here. Little Ireland is the fifth largest foreign direct investor in the USA. It is a relationship we have to cultivate and ensure is maintained, while at the same time standing shoulder to shoulder with our European Union partners. To repeat what I said at the beginning, Ireland needs mature leadership now more than ever, calm engagement and dialogue, no drama, and none of the soundbites that are easy to throw from the Opposition benches. It needs mature, considered leadership.

Brian Brennan (Wicklow-Wexford, Fine Gael)
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In relation to the very fluid situation that is playing out between the United States and Greenland, can the Minister of State give me an update on what plans are in place in the event of the impending threat of an increase in tariffs for all countries that do not support America's desire to take over Greenland?

When it comes to tariffs, there are absolutely no winners. We understand the EU is a very powerful bloc and the US needs access to our 400 million residents. However, these tariffs could, in the words of our own Tánaiste, have a spiralling effect and will have significant financial consequences for many of our industries. I totally agree with the previous speaker about the need for cool heads, but we also need to show a strong backbone in our negotiations. I know the Minister of State is in agreement with me that the powerful Irish diaspora must play a part in this. That includes many prominent Irish business leaders. We must use these key persons in an effort to address our concerns. If we do not meet this head on and demonstrate strength at this stage, there is no telling who, or where, the next target will be for the American Administration.

While Gaza may be gone from the headlines, we are supposedly moving into the second phase of a very fragile ceasefire. We cannot forget that we have witnessed the genocide of more than 70,000 people, many of them young children. While I warmly welcome the national committee of Gaza management that was set up to manage the day-to-day affairs of Gaza, we must question what powers it actually has. I question moving on to the next phase when we have five key issues that were meant to be addressed in phase 1. The halt of attacks is simply not happening. The bombs continue. We had 449 deaths this morning since the ceasefire started, and more than 1,200 injuries. The return of Israeli captives has happened, bar one. Israeli armed withdrawal is simply not happening from defined areas of Gaza. As regards full humanitarian aid, Israel continues to ban many international agencies from providing food and medical aid. A key issue is the Rafah crossing. This is a key lifeline and it remains closed for aid, food and medical evacuations. I am of the strong opinion that we have no ceasefire in Gaza. I ask the Government to make a strong statement on this.

Verona Murphy (Wexford, Independent)
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Is Deputy Ó Laoghaire stepping in for Deputy Kenny?

Donnchadh Ó Laoghaire (Cork South-Central, Sinn Fein)
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I have already spoken.

Verona Murphy (Wexford, Independent)
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We now move for a concluding statement from the Minister of State, Deputy Richmond. He is sharing time with the Minister of State, Deputy Byrne.

Thomas Byrne (Meath East, Fianna Fail)
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I regret the term “traitors” being used in relation to MEPs who take their own democratic decision and who have taken into account their constituents and broad interests. There are two sides to this story. The Government did oppose Mercosur at the Council of the European Union, but it is also the case that the Government has acknowledged that certain sectors would benefit from it. MEPs are entitled to vote and make their own decision without pressure from us or the Opposition.

Today's debate comes at a time when our foreign policy faces grave challenges and peace and security are being threatened. Ireland is committed to the international rule of law. The UN is at the heart of the maintenance of international peace and security. We have a strong commitment to multilateralism. We exercise multilateralism every day of the week. We heard from the Opposition the importance of multilateralism. We work those systems to everybody’s benefit.

Our EU membership is central to how we ensure Ireland's place in the world and how we amplify our voice and support our values and the interests of our citizens. I will join the Taoiseach in Brussels tomorrow as he meets his fellow leaders for an emergency meeting of the European Council. We will work closely with our European partners.

The situation in Greenland is of great concern to Ireland and to EU partners and to Members all around this House. Last week I spoke to the Danish Minister for European Affairs, Marie Bjerre, and I assured her that Ireland stands fully behind Denmark on this issue. The EU and its member states have been clear that the future of Greenland is a matter for the Danish people and the Greenlandic people, together with their governments. We have made this clear publicly and privately and these statements have been welcomed by Denmark. The European Union is united in its view that the fundamental principles of international law, territorial sovereignty and integrity must be observed. This is a position that will not change. Sovereignty is not a commodity to be bought and sold. Respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of states is non-negotiable. This is a fundamental principle of the UN Charter and of international law. It is what keeps all countries, large or small, militarily aligned or neutral, safe and secure. I was intrigued to hear a Sinn Féin Member talk about the protocol to the Lisbon treaty and making all sorts of suggestions about it. If they actually take the time to read the protocol, it directly refutes many of the allegations that Sinn Féin make here week in and week out about a European army and conscription. It specifically states that those things are not happening, so Sinn Féin would do well to read the protocol to the Lisbon treaty rather than just mention it and misdescribe it.

The US announcement at the weekend regarding the potential imposition of tariffs on a number of member states and other European partners undermines transatlantic relations. It is incompatible with the trade agreement we signed last summer. This gave certainty for businesses and investments. We need to find a way forward on these issues and this is our priority. When we go to Brussels tomorrow the Taoiseach will emphasise and prioritise the protection of Irish jobs, Irish households and Irish interests. We will work with our European colleagues to meet these challenges and to consider the next steps. Dialogue is still key, and we will continue to engage with the US to convey our clear position on this issue.

We must ensure, of course, that Russia's brutal and unjustified war of aggression against Ukraine remains at the forefront of our efforts. Ireland's consistent position has been that it is for the government and the people of Ukraine to determine their future and to agree the terms of any peace agreement. It is crucial that any agreement upholds Ukraine's sovereignty and independence, based on respect for the principles of the UN Charter. A just and lasting peace in this conflict is the end objective. It is evident, however, that Russia continues to actively engage in escalatory tactics. Putin's drones and missiles continue to attack innocent civilians and critical energy infrastructure. The attacks have left millions without electricity during harsh winter months that are without comparison to Ireland. We cannot imagine the coldness of people's apartments and houses in many parts of Ukraine at the moment. Ukraine has been forced to declare a state of emergency in the energy sector. I am very conscious as well of the small Irish community in Ukraine and our ambassador in Ukraine, Jonathan Conlon. He and his embassy team continue to carry out exemplary work in the face of unbelievable challenges.

We remain committed to supporting Ukraine. Since the start of the war nearly four years ago, we have contributed extensive political, humanitarian, military and economic support to Ukraine. Ukraine must be supported to defend itself against this continued aggression to deter future aggression. Ireland has provided €138 million in humanitarian assistance and stabilisation supports and, in 2025, we announced a further funding package of €35.4 million in September and €25 million for restoring energy infrastructure in December. I saw an example of the funding last year when I visited an underground school shelter in Odessa, co-funded by Ireland and Lithuania. We also allocated €200 million in non-lethal military support to Ukraine. We have welcomed over 120,000 Ukrainians under the temporary protection directive. Looking ahead to our Presidency of the EU, we support Ukraine's EU accession, which we believe to be a crucial element in securing Ukraine's long-term peace and security and the long-term peace and security of the Union. Now is a time for cool heads. We can achieve a lot more through co-operation rather than conflict, and Ireland will continue to work in that manner around the European table and in our engagements around the world.