Dáil debates

Wednesday, 21 February 2018

11:55 am

Photo of Seán Ó FearghaílSeán Ó Fearghaíl (Kildare South, Ceann Comhairle)
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I am sorry for the late start. I ask leaders to have regard to the time allocated.

Photo of Micheál MartinMicheál Martin (Cork South Central, Fianna Fail)
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When Senator Catherine Ardagh described something last week as the cruellest cut of all, she was referring to the decision of the HSE, endorsed by the Minister, to arbitrarily cut the use by thousands of people of Versatis patches by severely restricting reimbursement under the drugs payment and medical card schemes. It was estimated that up to 25,000 people were on Versatis patches and the Government has, by reducing the number of patches available by 90%, also reduced the cost by 90%. It has taken a vital medicine away from 90% of its users, for whom it was essential in their daily lives. These people are in chronic pain and it is the equivalent of shutting down the emergency department of each sufferer across the country.

The individual testimonies are heart-rending. For example, Catherine Carroll said every day is like a living hell and that the pain is unbearable. She cannot use other pain medicines because of complications. Ann Nolan Walsh tells the story of her 100 year old father, who was taken off the patches and is now in extreme pain, even from just trying to get out of bed. Barbara Donehy, a founding member of Patch Us Back Up, says sufferers do not live anymore but are existing day by day, and Jennifer O'Meara cannot even do things with the children. Her engagement with family life has been severely restricted by being taken off the patches as a result of this decision.

The "Liveline" programme, and its presenter Joe Duffy, has been the real patient advocate on this issue and hundreds of people have been in touch with the programme about it. There has been no bigger case for "Liveline" than this issue in terms of sufferers contacting the programme and that tells us something about the reaction to this decision across the country. These people, who are all in acute pain, contacted the programme to tell their own personal stories and to reveal their anger and disbelief. This patient evidence has been ignored.

John Lindsay, of Chronic Pain Ireland, says people in Ireland are in chronic pain and are suffering. He makes the point that there was no research and no thinking through of the decision. The suddenness was incredible and has caused enormous difficulty and pain for many people. This was about cutting costs but, overnight, it has visited great trauma on many families and thousands of people across the country. I ask the Taoiseach and the Minister for Health to intervene to suspend this decision of the HSE and to put the patient at the centre of the issue, rather than on the periphery as has been the case to date. I ask them to do due diligence to enable people to get their lives back together again, to live meaningful lives and to live again as they had lived while on the patches.

Photo of Leo VaradkarLeo Varadkar (Dublin West, Fine Gael)
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I have heard the harrowing stories on the radio and many people have contacted me personally about this issue. As a result of the concerns expressed, and the personal stories of people in terrible pain, I endeavoured to look into it and discussed it in detail with the Minister for Health last week. It is important that we fully understand and are honest about the background to this issue.

This is a medicine and these are patches that are licensed for one purpose only, which is post-shingles pain in adults. It is to be given to adult patients who have localised pain after having had shingles. Unfortunately, over the course of the past number of years, many doctors have been prescribing it for an off-licence use, for other uses for which it is not licensed. That is a legitimate medical practice in certain circumstances but there need to be some controls around this practice because people can become dependent on such medicines. It is an anaesthetic and not something one should prescribe lightly. Long-term use of anaesthetics can have consequences for people. They can become dependent on them and there are other long-term side effects. There is no problem when GPs prescribe this medicine for the thing it is licensed for in Ireland, which is post-shingles pain in adults, but if they are going to prescribe it for a purpose that is unlicensed, they have to go through some sort of procedure to ensure it is done safely and I do not think anybody should be against that. It is not simply a matter of money. It is also a matter of patient safety.

This patch was being prescribed ten times as much, per capita, in Ireland as it was in the UK and there is something seriously wrong when a medicine is being used ten times as much here as in a very similar country such as the one over the water. That is because it was being prescribed for a use for which it was not licensed and without any sort of controls. From the point of view of patient safety, it was the right thing to do to make sure that, if GPs and other doctors are prescribing this medicine for a purpose for which it is not licensed, there should be some controls around it. That is what the HSE has done.

Photo of Micheál MartinMicheál Martin (Cork South Central, Fianna Fail)
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I do not accept that. I think it was a cost-cutting measure by any yardstick, and the briefing note of the HSE to the committee also goes through the costs of the significant increase in patients using this medicine. The sudden, overnight nature of this decision was appalling and visited untold trauma on people. Dr. John Goddard, a researcher in Sheffield, published an article in the Pain Medicinejournal, identifying a 70% effective rate for juveniles who used Versatis patches. He points out the difficulty with researching pain and identifying the optimal treatments for people.

I did not just speak to GPs but spoke to a woman this morning whose consultant, having done all the epidurals and beta-blockers etc., recommended Versatis patches. The casual, arbitrary, sudden and overnight nature of this decision was appalling and was not about patient safety. As John Lindsay said, in any other jurisdiction they know that taking people off a medication so suddenly can be injurious to them and damaging to patients.

The time for explanations is over. This has caused enormous trauma to too many people and the decision needs to be urgently revisited so that people can be given back their lives. Whether the Taoiseach likes it or not, their lives have been taken from them.

12:05 pm

Photo of Leo VaradkarLeo Varadkar (Dublin West, Fine Gael)
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There is now a process in place for doctors who are prescribing this medicine off licence. The HSE has advised me that the turnaround time for initial applications is three working days and it is five days for appeals. As of last Friday 1,500 post-shingle patients have been approved for it and the patch is being provided for them in the normal manner. Another 4,784 patients were registered by their GPs for uses other than post-shingles pain and 14% of these patients - 670 - have been approved. This means there are now more than 2,300 patients who are approved for the patch in the drug schemes, with more than one third approved for uses other than post-shingles pain.

Photo of Micheál MartinMicheál Martin (Cork South Central, Fianna Fail)
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We know this. We have had all of this already from the HSE.

Photo of Leo VaradkarLeo Varadkar (Dublin West, Fine Gael)
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The background to this decision is that the lidocaine patches are licensed for localised post-shingle pain in adults. As I said earlier, this is the only licensed use in Ireland. When the plasters were first introduced the budget impact was low because it was prescribed only where appropriate and in line with specific indications for which it is licensed. It is, however, a cause of clinical concern and a real patient safety concern, that usage spiralled so much that we reached the point where there were ten times as many patches in use in Ireland per head of population. Details of the changes were circulated to prescribers and pharmacies in August 2017 to give clinicians time to inform their patients about the changes and where appropriate to change the treatment or to seek continued treatment. Under these new arrangements all patients who are receiving lidocaine plasters for a licensed indiction were automatically approved. All of these patients continue to receive the treatment under the community drug schemes. Patients who had been prescribed lidocaine plasters for other indications were given a three month grace period. Doctors were informed in August and the changes came in during November and December.

Photo of Louise O'ReillyLouise O'Reilly (Dublin Fingal, Sinn Fein)
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I begin by thanking Aoife Hegarty and team from "RTÉ Investigates" for their essential piece of public service broadcasting last night. I commend the bravery of Alison McCormack who took part in the programme and shared her story.

People should feel safe in our hospitals and they should be sure that they are getting the right care and the best possible care. They should be able to trust the advice of medical professionals and rest assured that the advice given is in their best interest. People should also be confident that when a mistake has been made and medical professionals and hospitals or other health institutions become aware of it, they will be informed and that all will be done to rectify their situation. That is what should naturally happen in a well-run health service.

Compassion and honesty should be evident at all levels and even more so at the higher institutional levels of our hospitals. This honesty and compassion was missing from the treatment of Alison McCormack and this is extremely worrying. It was missing when Ms McCormack was first diagnosed with breast cancer at St. James’s Hospital in 2010 when the pathologist misdiagnosed the seriousness of the cancer in the original biopsy. It was missing when the same pathologist then misdiagnosed the breast tissue that was examined following Ms McCormack's mastectomy.

Two years later in October 2012, Ms McCormack discovered a lump in her neck and returned to St. James’s Hospital for tests. The original cancer had come back and had spread into the lymph nodes of her arm and up into her neck. Ms McCormack began to ask questions as to why her cancer had returned and at her request a meeting with St. James’s Hospital was arranged where she was informed for the first time that her cancer had been misdiagnosed. I put it to the Taoiseach that this meeting was at Ms McCormack's request. She had to ask for it. Nobody came looking for her.

This situation has been further compounded by the fact that the hospital had been aware of a misdiagnosis since February 2013 but Ms McCormack was not informed until November 2013, after she had requested a meeting with the hospital. Nobody came to find her. This woman lost nine long months. Ms McCormack, as a cancer patient, had to go and look for the truth. Had she not gone looking for that truth she never would have learned that the hospital and the pathologist who had examined her had made a huge mistake. Why was Ms McCormack not immediately informed of the misdiagnosis when it was discovered in February 2013?

The "RTÉ Investigates" reporter pointed out that a review of every tenth case, as well as a further nine cases of ductal carcinoma in situ, DCIS, which is a diagnosis similar to Ms McCormack's, revealed that another case had also been misdiagnosed. This shows a 22% error rate for DCIS cases. The hospital has refused to confirm to "RTÉ Investigates" if the second patient has been told that she was misdiagnosed. We know that she is being treated but we do not know if she has been told about the misdiagnosis.

Nobody is saying that the health service can be run without human error but when a mistake is made there should be an apology and the relevant parties should be informed. The patient is at a disadvantage when an error occurs. Last night's programme showed a circling of the wagons. We saw the system come up against one woman on her own. Will the Taoiseach agree that there should be a legal duty of candour? Will the Taoiseach ensure that the full case load of the pathologist who had a 22% misdiagnosis rate for DCIS cases will be reviewed? Can the Taoiseach also confirm that the second woman who was misdiagnosed was informed by St. James’s Hospital of her misdiagnosis?

Photo of Leo VaradkarLeo Varadkar (Dublin West, Fine Gael)
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I thank Deputy O'Reilly. I did not have a chance to watch the RTÉ "Prime Time" programme but I have read about Alison McCormack's case online over the last couple of days. I deeply regret the way in which she was treated by our health service, by St. James's Hospital and by members of my own profession. I offer her my sympathies. I thank her for her bravery in coming forward and in making her case public so that lessons can be learned and mistakes not repeated. I also wish her the very best in her recovery.

As Deputy O'Reilly has acknowledged, it is a very sad truth that as long as we have a health service that is run by people with the help of machines there will be human error and there will be machine error. This is the truth. The important thing, however, is that where errors occur they are admitted, that hospitals and clinicians are honest about their errors and that they are identified and minimised. In this case it appears that the patient in question was not informed that a misdiagnosis had occurred and this is wrong. There is a duty of candour to inform patients if a mistake has occurred. In order to reinforce this, just in the last few months the Oireachtas passed legislation to protect open disclosure. I appreciate that this law was not in place at the time but it is now in place. We now expect from our hospitals - from management and from clinicians - that they engage in the duty of candour and tell patients when mistakes have occurred. This House has passed that legislation in the past few month to protect open disclosure so that managers, doctors and other are not concerned that engaging in open disclosure could be used against them in court at a future point.

Photo of Louise O'ReillyLouise O'Reilly (Dublin Fingal, Sinn Fein)
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Duty of candour is not underpinned statutorily. I fully appreciate that the protections are there. When the Taoiseach was the Minister for Health he described the failure to adhere to a duty of candour and to disclose the relevant information as being "the equivalent of a hit and run." I agree with the Taoiseach in this regard, which is rare enough. This is exactly what happened to this one person on her own.

I asked the Taoiseach a very specific question about the other woman who had been misdiagnosed. I appreciate that the Taoiseach did not see the programme last night but I am aware that he will be fully briefed on the matter as it is one of the issues of the day. Will the Taoiseach please confirm that this woman has been informed that she was misdiagnosed? This is important. Will the Taoiseach also confirm that he wants to see a full and comprehensive review of all the cases undertaken by this pathologist in 2010? It is not good enough that people do not have confidence in our health service. It is not good enough that they feel they are battling against the system. It is not good enough that the system circled the wagons. It is not good enough that the system gets permission from the Government to do exactly that. The Taoiseach needs to confirm that this woman has been told that she was misdiagnosed and he needs to confirm that the review will take place.

Photo of Leo VaradkarLeo Varadkar (Dublin West, Fine Gael)
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I am not in a position to speak on behalf of St. James's Hospital. It has its own legal personality and its own board. I understand that they issued a statement in the matter last night. I sincerely hope that the second patient has been informed that a misdiagnosis occurred in her case. I believe that if this has not been done it should be done. I am absolutely firm on that. I do not have access to individual patient information or patient details. Even if St. James's Hospital wanted to do so it is not allowed to give private patient information to me or to any politician. There are very good reasons for that.

The Minister for Health has advised me that the national cancer control programme and the Chief Medical Officer have been consulted on this issue and they are satisfied that there is no ongoing patient safety risk. It is important that we assure patients who are still attending St. James's Hospital for cancer treatment that there is no ongoing risk.

12:15 pm

Photo of Paul MurphyPaul Murphy (Dublin South West, Solidarity)
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The Taoiseach said that "welfare cheats cheat us all" in a campaign now universally recognised as having been based on false figures which his own Department questioned. He cynically used public money to enhance his appeal to Fine Gael members. That campaign may now be largely forgotten but the agenda behind it remains. It was more than just a dog whistle campaign for votes. It was part of an ideological assault on social welfare. Under the guise of labour activation measures pushed by Fine Gael and Labour, unemployed people have been demonised, victimised and have had their social welfare cut, all in the service of constructing a republic of precarity which drives people into the kind of low-paid precarious work which has become widespread. One in four workers are now in part-time employment, 30% of workers are low-paid and 8% of workers have hours which change from week to week or from month to month. The result is a completely lack of stability and security and people being unable to plan their lives. They are existing instead of living.

The counterpart to that precarious employment is precarious unemployment in the JobPath machine. Some 140,000 unemployed people have been turned into opportunities for profit for private companies. In the process and without significant debate, the provision of social welfare has been partially privatised. I have spoken to a number of people who have been through JobPath. They say that they are not given any real training and they are just supervised while looking for jobs on a computer, which means that it is pointless travel for many. They describe it as demeaning, patronising and infantilising. The threat of having their social welfare cut by more than €40 hangs over all of their interactions with these private companies, which would leave people trying to survive on €150 or less a week.

Since JobPath was introduced, the number of people who have had these so-called penalty rates applied has increased from 5,000 in 2015 to 16,000 last year. That is in one year alone. Some 6,500 JobPath participants have had their dole cut. On the other hand, €84 million of public money has been paid to just two companies, SeeTec and Turas Nua. They get money each time someone signs a personal progression plan and they get paid job sustainment fees. Both SeeTec and Working Links, which is one of two companies behind Turas Nua, have been accused of fraud in the operation of similar schemes in Britain. Last October in the Dáil, Deputy Catherine Murphy raised a very serious case of fraud by SeeTec in Ireland.

All of that has been justified up until now on the false basis that the system works and gets people into employment. That has now been completely exposed by the Government's own figures which came out three weeks ago. Only 18% of those who engage in JobPath end up in full-time employment. Some €84 million has been given to these private companies to get people jobs which they would have got themselves. Will the Taoiseach now read the writing on the wall for JobPath? Will he agree that the scheme needs to be scrapped and that instead of handing money over to private companies, he should invest in proper education and training and in real jobs for unemployed people?

Photo of Leo VaradkarLeo Varadkar (Dublin West, Fine Gael)
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Welfare fraud is very real. It is a real problem in this country and in every western society. Even if we take the lowest estimate of the scale of welfare fraud in this country, it is about €40 million a year. That is a lot of money in my view. Let us not forget that people who engage in welfare fraud are not the poor and vulnerable. They are people who are pretending to be poor and vulnerable. They are people who are working and claiming.

Photo of Mattie McGrathMattie McGrath (Tipperary, Independent)
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What about these companies?

Photo of Leo VaradkarLeo Varadkar (Dublin West, Fine Gael)
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They are people who are working, not paying their taxes on that work, and also claiming welfare at the same time. I do not believe that is defensible or acceptable. There are people who are pretending to have a disability they do not have or pretending to care for someone for whom they are not caring. People are claiming to be somebody they are not to claim pensions for people who are long dead. It really disappoints me to hear left-wing politicians in this country constantly defending fraudsters as though they are entitled to the benefits that they are stealing. They are not.

Photo of Pearse DohertyPearse Doherty (Donegal, Sinn Fein)
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Fine Gael was the party that was caught out.

Photo of Leo VaradkarLeo Varadkar (Dublin West, Fine Gael)
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It is absolutely the work of this Government-----

Photo of Mattie McGrathMattie McGrath (Tipperary, Independent)
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Turas Nua is a sham.

Photo of Leo VaradkarLeo Varadkar (Dublin West, Fine Gael)
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-----to prevent and crack down on welfare fraud in any way we can. One only needs to look at the court reports every other day to see the detail of some of those cases and what people have been doing to defraud our system. The reason we cracked down on welfare fraud is not ideological. The reason is that fraud is wrong, whether it is tax fraud or welfare fraud, and we act against it. In doing so, we ensure that the welfare budget is protected for those who are entitled to it, including our pensioners, people with disabilities, carers, the unemployed, lone parents, blind people, widows and others. As a result we have been able to increase in two budgets in a row the State pension, payments to carers, payments to people with disabilities and payments to people who are unemployed. It is Government policy to crack down on welfare fraud in order to protect the welfare budget for those who need and deserve it, particularly pensioners, the disabled, carers and people who are unemployed.

Photo of Mattie McGrathMattie McGrath (Tipperary, Independent)
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And to be nice to the bankers.

Photo of Leo VaradkarLeo Varadkar (Dublin West, Fine Gael)
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I am very disappointed to hear politicians on the left continuously equivocating on this issue and not condemning welfare fraud. I note that the Deputy did not do so on this occasion. Tackling unemployment is one of the areas in which everyone acknowledges we have seen a real turnaround in recent years. Unemployment peaked at 15% and is now down at approximately 6%. Long-term unemployment is down to 3%. That is not just because of a recovering economy. Unlike many recoveries, we saw unemployment fall rapidly once our recovery started. That is not the norm in recoveries. There is usually a lag. The reason unemployment fell very rapidly in Ireland once the recovery started is the kind of active policies in which the Government engaged both on the enterprise and welfare sides. Had we listened to the Deputy and had we pursued the policies which he advocated, which have been attempted in Greece, Zimbabwe, Venezuela and other countries, not only would we have mass unemployment, but we would have a mass refugee exodus from this country similar to the current exodus from Venezuela to Colombia.

Photo of Paul MurphyPaul Murphy (Dublin South West, Solidarity)
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It is like Deputy Enda Kenny is back. The Taoiseach managed not to answer the question at all. Instead he attacked something which I did not say and then went on an ideological attack about Venezuela. I think he might have even referenced Colombia and Greece.

Photo of Leo VaradkarLeo Varadkar (Dublin West, Fine Gael)
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Colombia is where the refugees are.

Photo of Paul MurphyPaul Murphy (Dublin South West, Solidarity)
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Let us go back to the question. The question is on the Government's JobPath scheme, which has failed in its stated aim of getting jobs for people. That is what the facts now demonstrate. Only 18% of participants get jobs, which is no higher than the rate for people who do not have access to JobPath. These companies have been accused of fraud in Britain. What is the Taoiseach doing to make sure that they are not engaged in fraud here? To deal with the curveball which the Taoiseach has thrown, which is that he will stand over and double down on his rhetoric about welfare fraud, the Taoiseach gave the figure of €40 million two minutes ago, but his advertising campaign said €500 million. Which is it? Who is engaged in fraud here?

Photo of Mattie McGrathMattie McGrath (Tipperary, Independent)
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It is the spin machine.

Photo of Paul MurphyPaul Murphy (Dublin South West, Solidarity)
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The Taoiseach is engaged in fraud against unemployed people and is using public money to demonise them in order to drive precarious employment. He is continuing in that same Thatcherite vein here. Will he please answer the question asked in respect of JobPath?

Photo of Leo VaradkarLeo Varadkar (Dublin West, Fine Gael)
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I said that even the lowest estimate is €40 million. I note the Deputy has not refuted that.

Photo of Eoin Ó BroinEoin Ó Broin (Dublin Mid West, Sinn Fein)
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What is the actual figure?

Photo of Leo VaradkarLeo Varadkar (Dublin West, Fine Gael)
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The figure of €500 million was what it said on the tin, that is fraud and control. Fraud and control. They are two different things.

Photo of Pearse DohertyPearse Doherty (Donegal, Sinn Fein)
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It was the Department's Brexit bus.

(Interruptions).

Photo of Leo VaradkarLeo Varadkar (Dublin West, Fine Gael)
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On the whole issue of JobPath, we must look at the counterfactual analysis. People who are long-term unemployed can be referred down a number of different routes. They can have assistance through the Intreo service provided by the Department of Employment Affairs and Social Protection; they can be assisted through JobPath, which is outsourced to two companies; or they can be referred to bodies such as local employment schemes, for example. It is interesting to compare counterfactually how people perform under those different headings. There is a complaints procedure in place. If participants feel that they are not getting a proper service from JobPath, they can make a complaint directly to the company. If they are not satisfied with the response, they can go to the Department and make a complaint through its procedures.

Photo of Mattie McGrathMattie McGrath (Tipperary, Independent)
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They would be wasting their time.

Photo of Leo VaradkarLeo Varadkar (Dublin West, Fine Gael)
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It is important to note how the companies are paid. They get a registration fee per client referred to them but after that they only get paid if the person gets a full-time job and sustains it. The incentive is there for the companies not just to get people into any old job, but to get them into full-time jobs which they can sustain for more than 13 weeks. The longer the person keeps that job, the more the company gets paid. Its strength is in its results. Unemployment is now falling below 6% and long-term unemployment is now below 3%.

Photo of Paul MurphyPaul Murphy (Dublin South West, Solidarity)
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The Government's own figures dispute that.

Photo of Leo VaradkarLeo Varadkar (Dublin West, Fine Gael)
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Where would we be today if the policies of the hard left had been followed in this country?

Photo of Paul MurphyPaul Murphy (Dublin South West, Solidarity)
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We would not have vulture funds dealing with public banks.

Photo of Leo VaradkarLeo Varadkar (Dublin West, Fine Gael)
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There would be mass unemployment and mass emigration.

12:25 pm

Photo of Danny Healy-RaeDanny Healy-Rae (Kerry, Independent)
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I am seeking the support of the Taoiseach and the Government in the context of Irish Water providing a sewerage scheme for the people in the parish of Kilcummin. This proposed scheme has been talked about for the past 18 years or so but, sadly, it has not been built to date. This very important scheme is to cater for two housing estates of over 100 houses, two pubs, a GAA pitch, a shop, a post office-----

(Interruptions).

Photo of Seán Ó FearghaílSeán Ó Fearghaíl (Kildare South, Ceann Comhairle)
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Can we have a little order, please? Every Member is entitled to the same respect.

Photo of Maurice QuinlivanMaurice Quinlivan (Limerick City, Sinn Fein)
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Hear, hear.

Photo of Danny Healy-RaeDanny Healy-Rae (Kerry, Independent)
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Our Lady of Lourdes nursing home has over 100 patients and wants to expand but cannot do so without a proper sewerage facility. Its plans are being held up. There are many houses along the route. The purpose of the scheme is to take the sewage from Kilcummin down to the Killarney treatment plant, which is operating at just 56% of capacity and so would be well capable of coping. There are 750 people in the village catchment, approximately 250 houses and up to 100 more along the route. Inland Fisheries Ireland took the matter to An Board Pleanála and, happily, planning permission has come through.

The history of this is that funding was made available in 2008. Contracts were in place at that time but the contractor was removed because of things that happened on another scheme with which he was involved. The Department of Finance then stipulated the use of a new type of tender whereby would-be contractors would have to tender an all-in price. This created difficulties for the local authority and delayed the tender process. Before we knew where we were, the country and the scheme both went down the Swanee. We have been fighting for the scheme ever since.

The state of the road where the sewerage pipe is to be laid is causing the people of Kilcummin much distress. It was to have been resurfaced in 2004 and there was money for that. However, this was put back until the sewerage scheme project was carried out. Year after year, we have had money for the road but it is still in a shocking state. Every councillor - myself, when I was on the council, my daughter Maura, who has been there since, and all the other elected representatives in the area - has had deputations in about the state of the road. The people of Kilcummin are entitled to good road up to their doors in the very same way as the people in Dublin 4. We are now informed that maybe it will go ahead next year. I am asking the Government to ensure that this scheme is progressed next year, to liaise with Irish Water and to ensure that the people of Kilcummin get what they are entitled to.

Photo of Leo VaradkarLeo Varadkar (Dublin West, Fine Gael)
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I am afraid I am unable to answer the Deputy's question because I do not have information on that specific project to hand.

Photo of Mattie McGrathMattie McGrath (Tipperary, Independent)
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What about the grandiose plan?

Photo of Leo VaradkarLeo Varadkar (Dublin West, Fine Gael)
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If, when asking a question on Leaders' Questions in future, the Deputy gives us 24 or 48 hours' notice, I will endeavour to get the relevant information in order that we can give him a detailed reply, which I would like to be able to do.

Photo of John BrassilJohn Brassil (Kerry, Fianna Fail)
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It will be done next year. I can tell the Taoiseach that. I can confirm it.

Photo of Micheál MartinMicheál Martin (Cork South Central, Fianna Fail)
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It is on the way.

Photo of Timmy DooleyTimmy Dooley (Clare, Fianna Fail)
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A tender has been awarded.

Photo of Leo VaradkarLeo Varadkar (Dublin West, Fine Gael)
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In terms of the bigger picture, I am advised that €3 billion has been provided in the capital budget for Irish Water between now and 2021 and, on foot of Project Ireland 2040, our national development plan approved by Cabinet last Friday, an additional commitment of an extra €5 billion for Irish Water is to be provided from 2021 to 2027. There is €8 billion for Irish Water to invest in our water and sewerage networks over the next ten years. I am unable to give the Deputy information on that specific project.

Photo of Danny Healy-RaeDanny Healy-Rae (Kerry, Independent)
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I thank the Taoiseach and appreciate that he may not be up to date with it. Kilcummin is just on the bounds of Killarney town. I hear from what he is saying that he is not aware of it but I am sure if the project was announced, he would know about it then.

(Interruptions).

Photo of Danny Healy-RaeDanny Healy-Rae (Kerry, Independent)
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Certainly someone, perhaps the Minister of State at the Department of Transport, Tourism and Sport, Deputy Griffin, would be in contact with Radio Kerry about the story.

Photo of John BrassilJohn Brassil (Kerry, Fianna Fail)
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I will announce it for the Deputy.

Photo of Danny Healy-RaeDanny Healy-Rae (Kerry, Independent)
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Or, indeed, maybe Deputy John Brassil could contact the station because he is supporting Fine Gael in government.

Photo of Mattie McGrathMattie McGrath (Tipperary, Independent)
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Confidence and supply.

Photo of Danny Healy-RaeDanny Healy-Rae (Kerry, Independent)
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Every year it is the same story. Kerry County Council has money for the road but cannot spend it because it is waiting for the sewerage scheme to be done first. I am asking the Government to liaise with Irish Water to ensure that the tender goes out and the work goes ahead as soon as possible. Neither I nor the people of Kilcummin can understand why, once the planning came through after all the waiting, the work cannot be done this year. What are they waiting for? Are they waiting for the country to go wallop again?

Photo of Leo VaradkarLeo Varadkar (Dublin West, Fine Gael)
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Once it is announced, I am sure the Deputy will hear all about it. The Minister for Housing, Planning and Local Government has just passed me a note to say that he will look at it and get back to the Deputy before the end of the week with an update.