Lisa Chambers (Mayo, Fianna Fail)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

I move:

That Dáil Éireann:

acknowledges the pride that Irish people take in the Defence Forces and the contribution made by the Permanent Defence Force, the Reserve Defence Force and Civil Defence;

remembers those members who have made the ultimate sacrifice in the service of the State, including those on overseas peacekeeping missions;

agrees that the single greatest asset the Defence Forces have is their personnel;

recognises that the dedication and professionalism manifested by the Defence Forces is inspiring;

compliments the Defence Forces on their central role in marking the 100th anniversary of the Easter Rising;

believes that a career in the Defence Forces is a form of patriotism that provides an outstanding example to all of Irish society;

welcomes the publication of a new White Paper on Defence in 2015;

notes that:- the current allowed strength of the Defence Forces at 9,500 has stretched its ability to fulfil their assigned roles and maintain a credible contingent capability;

- the current effective strength of the Defence Forces is below 9,000;

- the geographical deployment of the Defence Forces is uneven;

- concentrating the majority of the Defence Forces in the east and south of the country removes the traditional place of the military with and from Irish society, ignores organisational linkages and histories, and erodes geographical and family military service traditions;

- the expressed view of one representative organisation in the Defence Forces that there are problems in a range of areas, including commuting, work-life balance and stress, and that morale is at the lowest it has been for some time, with comradeship and brotherhood fading;

- the significant difficulties that the Defence Forces have in the retention of personnel;

and

- the widespread belief that the 2012 reorganisation has not been a success;further notes that:- the effective membership of the Reserve Defence Force fell from 2,280 to 2,049 during 2016 and has fallen further to 1,970 this year;

- if the net loss of 200 members, that the Reserve Defence Force experienced last year, continues into the future it will cease to exist by 2026 and it is likely that it will be seen as impractical to sustain long before that; and

- the single force concept has not benefited the Reserve Defence Force; agrees that:

- Ireland needs a defence policy that is measured, fit for purpose and appropriately resourced;

- Irish defence spending is very low, even by the standards of neutral countries;

- at €639 million in 2015, defence expenditure, excluding pensions, amounted to just 0.25 per cent of gross domestic product, GDP; and

- a low level of resources is not ultimately consistent with a credible defence policy;and

calls for:- military professionals to be allowed play a meaningful and worthwhile role in the formulation of policy advice to the Government;

- reservists to be allowed play a meaningful and worthwhile role in support of the Permanent Defence Force;

- annual updates on the implementation of the 2015 White Paper to be provided to the Oireachtas Joint Committee on Foreign Affairs and Trade, and Defence;

- consultation with the representative organisations in the Defence Forces on the practicalities of implementing the 2015 White Paper;

- a review of legislation and Defence Forces’ regulations governing the Reserve Defence Force;

- regular recruitment campaigns for both the Permanent Defence Force and the Reserve Defence Force and new retention initiatives;

- the reinstatement of Defence as a lead portfolio in the Cabinet;

- the restoration of the Army to a three brigade structure by re-establishing the 4th Western Brigade based in Custume Barracks, Athlone;

- the establishment and strength of the Permanent Defence Force to be increased to 10,500 personnel across the Army, the Air Corps and the Naval Service by 2021; and

- renewed efforts to ensure that the Reserve Defence Force reaches its establishment strength of 4,069.

I wish to share time with Deputies Marc MacSharry, Niamh Smyth and Kevin O'Keeffe.

Irish people take great pride in the Defence Forces and the contribution made by the Permanent Defence Force, PDF, the Reserve Defence Force, RDF, and Civil Defence. We all agree that the greatest asset the Defence Forces have is their personnel - the men and women of Óglaigh na hÉireann who serve the country with distinction - yet the Defence Forces are facing huge difficulties retaining and recruiting sufficient personnel. The organisation is seriously below strength and it is way past time the process of rebuilding began. We have reached a crisis point with critical staffing shortages across all arms of the organisation. The decline in numbers in recent years has left the force with just 9,070 personnel, some 430 below the current agreed strength. Even though a new recruitment campaign was launched last year, in the year up to February 2017, the numbers in the Defence Forces fell yet again. Fianna Fáil believes we should look to increase the force's strength to 10,500 in the coming year but we also believe it is just as important to retain what we have.

This question of why we need the Defence Forces is commonly asked but often poorly responded to. To be a sovereign state with a functioning democracy, we need to have a properly resourced Defence Forces with appropriate capabilities. We take for granted that the Defence Forces are loyal to the State and protect the Republic and our democracy. It may seem trivial to say but other jurisdictions around the globe do not enjoy such a scenario. The Defence Forces provide many vital services, often quietly and with little or no fanfare. They just get on with their job and we take for granted that we have their protection and their loyalty as a state.

The Defence Forces provide aid to the civil power, assist An Garda Síochána when required, work with the Irish Prison Service, respond to bomb threats in the State, assist with flood relief, respond to national emergencies, provide air ambulance transfers for transplant patients, and assist with search and rescue, as was recently done off the coast of County Mayo, all the while fulfilling the State's obligations to the protection of peace and security internationally through UN mandated missions. All these are vital services that citizens expect to be available when called upon. No one is seeking a gold plated Defence Forces but we expect an adequately resourced organisation that can respond to basic needs of citizens. Given the critical staffing shortages currently being experienced, do the Defence Forces have the ability to respond to the needs of citizens and the State? Where now stands the security of the State given we are seriously lacking in sufficient manpower across the Army, the Naval Service and Air Corps?

The State's defence policy, its implementation and resourcing of the Defence Forces must be appropriate. Fianna Fáil is committed to a defence policy that is measured, fit for purpose, and appropriately resourced. The Defence Forces have been an easy target for cost cutting. Their unreserved loyalty and professionalism are perhaps often taken advantage of. Policy has become a matter of fitting the Defence Forces into a particular budget envelope. That is not policy-making but an emasculation of the organisation by stealth. Defence expenditure last year was just 0.55% of GDP. Given the EU average is 1.2%, this represents extremely low defence spending by any standard. With the Defence Forces being reorganised eight times since 1992, there has been considerable upheaval, which has taken its toll. Consistent underfunding and poor pay and conditions for serving men and women have led to a consistent and ever-escalating loss of experienced personnel. We are haemorrhaging key highly skilled personnel at such an alarming rate that I cannot understand the Government's laissez-faireattitude to the situation. What will it take for it to react and implement a meaningful retention policy?

Fianna Fáil has consistently highlighted that the departure of many personnel could affect our Defence Forces' operations and capabilities. That is happening and it has been a clear concern for me as spokesperson for defence since taking up my position only a year ago. I have consistently questioned Government on this issue and, to date, I have not seen an improvement; in fact, the numbers keep dwindling. Does the Government not realise that just over 9,000 members is too low for the PDF? The current agreed strength is 9,500 and at this stage it would be progress to reach that level, but we are fast losing hope that the Government has any intention of attaining this figure. This is hardly acceptable for a force that acts as a guarantor of State sovereignty.

There has been a 15% reduction in officer numbers since 2012 and that is set to worsen if an adequate retention plan is not put in place immediately. It has been reported that last year, 76 officers left the Defence Forces early - a rate which is simply unsustainable. Representative organisations say they have attempted to engage with management to have their concerns addressed but with little success. The Representative Association of Commissioned Officers, RACO, has warned that the military is critically short of specialist officers, including pilots, aeronautical engineers, and bomb disposal experts, and that a contributing factor to this brain drain has been the Department's refusal to honour conditions of service. The bomb disposal service is at half its officer strength and I have been informed that the Army cannot conduct live firing training in Kilworth camp due to a lack of corporals. I am sure the Minister of State will agree that this is astonishing. He will appreciate that this type of training is as close to real life combat as a soldier can get and is vital training for anyone who is to be deployed overseas. I assume the Government has been made aware of this. What does it intend to do about it?

The recent irish Coast Guard tragedy led to renewed scrutiny of Air Corps capabilities. The Air Corps has been significantly short staffed in its aeronautical engineering department and has only 70% of pilots currently needed. The Air Corps has 211 vacancies and it has been maintained by the Government that the 28 cadets in training, eight of whom are due to graduate later this year, is somehow adequate. The Government will be a long time filling 211 vacancies. Not one of these eight trainees will be qualified to even act as co-pilot of a helicopter or fixed-wing CASA in an Air Corps operational wing until the summer of 2019 at the earliest. A service commitment scheme in respect of Air Corps pilots was in operation until 2010. This gave pilots a €20,000 payment in return for a three to five-year commitment to remain in the corps. It did not bring the salary up to private sector level but it proved sufficient to retain people. This scheme must be reinstated immediately. Given it costs €1.5 million to train a pilot, the scheme would save the State money and retain key capabilities. How has the Minister of State allowed this to get to this stage?

The 2012 restructuring of the Defence Forces continues to generate controversy. The organisation provides a contingency capability for the State across a wide spectrum of operational areas on land, at sea and in the air. The requirement to increase the size of the Defence Forces rapidly in times of national or international emergency and having decreased manning levels in times of less need are essential to that contingency. Maintaining the formation structures to facilitate such expansion is a centuries-old prudent policy. In this light, we cannot ignore the challenges that Brexit might bring and there needs to be proper contingency planning in respect of the Defence Forces. We should not be reactionary and wait for a problem to present itself before we consider what we might do. We should do what we can now to plan ahead.

I hope we never see a border in this country again but we cannot ignore the possibility. We need Defence Forces that can respond to such a situation. This will likely involve the redeployment of personnel to different locations. The re-establishment of the 4th Western Brigade and an increase in numbers up to 10,500 would certainly be a prudent measure in the short term as we prepare for this potential border. The House should also consider that there has been an additional cost in the loss of the Western Brigade. Troops from Dundalk, Athlone and Donegal carry out routine security duties in Dublin with associated fuel costs, wear and tear on vehicles, increased requirement for vehicle servicing, along with many other costs. There is no doubt, having spoken to members of the Defence Forces, that this reorganisation and the loss of the three-brigade structure has caused hardship for soldiers, with increased travel, poorer work-life balance and less certainty around location. These have all contributed to a decrease in morale across the ranks.

Fianna Fáil has called for the three-brigade structure to be restored. The move to a two-brigade structure was ill-advised and ignored long-standing organisational linkages and histories. The savings which accrued were minimal and did not deliver appreciable benefits.

We must also address the matter of defence at the Cabinet. In tabling the motion Fianna Fáil is acting on its belief that the Defence Forces are of critical importance to both the State and society. Sadly, it has not always been clear since 2011 that Governments have sufficiently valued the Defence Forces organisation. The decision in March 2011 to assign the defence portfolio as a subsidiary role to the Minister for Justice and Equality indicated an essential lack of respect for the position. While it was not unreasonable to assign it with another Cabinet portfolio, to do so with the Department of Justice and Equality, one of the busiest Departments, was a retrograde step. We must commit to the restoration of defence as a lead portfolio in the Cabinet. The Minister with day-to-day responsibility for defence policy should be a fully fledged Cabinet Minister, not a Minister of State, as is the case. This would be a very clear affirmation of the value the State must place on the Defence Forces. Overall, the intention of the motion is to convey the respect of the House to the Defence Forces, to recognise the extraordinary contribution every man and woman in the service give to the State, to acknowledge the very difficult period the organisation has gone through in recent years in terms of cuts and reorganisation and to say we hear the concerns of every serving man and woman serving in the Defence Forces and that are committed to addressing these concerns and ensuring the lot of each serving member is improved. We cannot ignore the critical situation in which we find ourselves and the fact that this and the previous Government have allowed us to get to a stage where there is now a critical staffing shortage across every organisation of the Defence Forces. The retention policy must be key. That is why Fianna Fáil is putting the motion to the House in the hope it will generate cross-party support.

Marc MacSharry (Sligo-Leitrim, Fianna Fail)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

I thank the Minister of State for giving us the opportunity to make a number of points on this issue. I also thank our lead spokesperson, Deputy Lisa Chambers, for sharing time.

Shutting down the 4th Western Brigade was a retrograde step. Now 45% of duties carried out in Dublin are carried out by troops from Finner Camp in County Donegal, just north of Sligo, and from Dundalk. That involves personnel in places like Sligo where many Army personnel live getting up in the morning, driving to Finner Camp, collecting their gear, driving all the way to Dublin to carry out their duties and then returning again. It defies logic. Much more than that, as we, rightly, obsess here about the impact of a hard border as a result of Brexit, we have neglected the fact that as a result of the closing down of the 4th Western Brigade, the Government, the State and the Oireachtas have lost all corporate knowledge of the Border. The personnel based on it were always the eyes and ears of the nation and carried back the necessary information to us. There is obviously a difficult situation in the North and potential issues arise as a result of Brexit. As Deputy Lisa Chambers outlined, it defied logic, therefore, to shut down the brigade. The two-brigade system has not resulted in real savings but taken fundamentally from the capabilities of the State. We have the ridiculous situation where 45% of duties in Dublin are carried out by troops from the parts of the country I mentioned.

I will make a point about the many thousands who served on the Border during the years. Many medals have been handed out in the past year, rightly, to various people who were deserving of them. Everybody who served on the Border should be entitled to receive a Border service medal on the 100th anniversary of the 1916 Rising. I would like the Minister of State to consider and respond to this suggestion. I am sure it would not cost very much, but its value in terms of the State's acknowledgement of the incredible service given by Army families throughout the entire nation who served on the Border would certainly be priceless.

The Air Corps was mentioned briefly by my colleague. I have a concern about value for money. It costs about €60 million to run the Air Corps annually, including payroll costs. The CHC is costing us €52 million a year for the lease of five aircraft. In effect, there are two overheads. A thorough independent audit should be conducted of the value for money achieved in that regard. It seems there is an awful lot we require in terms of staff and so on, notwithstanding what Deputy Lisa Chambers said about the need for positions to be filled. There are 32 aircraft and the cost is €60 million, including payroll costs, yet we are dishing out €52 million to CHC which does a very good job. We all sympathise following the terrible tragedy.

There has been substantial commentary in the media in recent times on a bilateral air defence agreement between us and the British. I am very concerned about it because I do not recall the issue coming before the Oireachtas since the agreement c0ame into being. I believe it was renewed in August. It is in contravention of Article 15.6 of the Constitution which states only the Oireachtas can make such a move. I ask the Minister of State to check the position and respond to the House in order that we can bring up the matter on the Order of Business another day, if necessary. It was supposed to have been signed by civil servants in the Departments of Defence, the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade and the Irish Aviation Authority and on the other side by the Foreign and Commonwealth Office and the RAF. The Oireachtas is entitled to know what exactly is going on because the agreement allows British aircraft to enter Irish airspace. While there may be some Deputies and Senators in Fine Gael who would like to see Ireland rejoin the Commonwealth, it will not happen as long as this member of Fianna Fáil is party to a confidence and supply agreement. I would like the Minister of State to inform the House of just what is going on in that regard.

Kevin O'Keeffe (Cork East, Fianna Fail)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

I commend my colleague, Deputy Lisa Chambers, for bringing this Private Members' motion to the floor of the House. It is vital that the issue of island defence is highlighted. It was neglected by the Government and the previous Fine Gael-Labour Party Government for long enough. The actions of Fine Gael have imposed hardship on members of the Defence Forces and their families. In the past six years we have seen the disbandment of one brigade, three infantry units, two artillery regiments and over a dozen units, while four barracks have been closed. There have also been cuts to the numbers of peacekeepers in Lebanon. It is clear that the Government, while in office in the past six years, has seen the Defence Forces as an easy target for cost-cutting. The fact that one of the first moves the Government made in 2011 when it took office was to assign the defence portfolio as a subsidiary role to the Minister for Justice and Equality indicated a complete lack of respect for the position and that of the Defence Forces. I say, "Well done," to Deputy Lisa Chambers for attempting to put a stop to it. The Defence Forces have shown nothing but loyalty and professionalism in carrying out their duties. Not once have they been hit by scandal. The Government needs to be reminded of this.

We need a defence policy fit for purpose. I plead with the Minister of State to review the situation of the Army Rangers wing with regard to the making of the back payment due to them under the Lansdowne Road agreement, for which they have been waiting since 2010. The Minister of State's Department has sidestepped the issue. Will he find a mechanism to ensure they will receive assurances on the making of that payment? They have not sought an increase in pay; they have only sought the incentives owed to them. The Army Rangers are the men who are called on in the event of a terror threat, a threat which is more likely to arise today than heretofore. The Government's flagrant disregard of the Defence Forces means that this is one of the most unprepared countries in the western world should there be such a scenario. The motion calls for our military professionals to be allowed to play a meaningful and worthwhile role in the formulation of policy advice to the Government. Their advice on what we should do in the event of a terror attack would be most welcome and is needed. In my county of Cork we are faced with a situation where the naval base in Haulbowline, the only one in the State, is severely understaffed. Last year the Minister of State put politics before protocol and tradition when he chose to hold the Defence Forces international operational service medal ceremony in Rosslare, County Wexford in his constituency.

I recognise the outstanding role the Defence Forces played last year in the national 1916 celebrations. The Government could have made a small gesture by giving retired members of the Defence Forces recognition for past service by awarding the same 1916 medallions as those received by current members and even FCA members. It was an opportunity missed by the Minister of State.

Eugene Murphy (Roscommon-Galway, Fianna Fail)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

I take great pride in the Army. Army personnel are wonderful people who, in the view of most in the country, do a very good job. Fianna Fáil has always given priority to the Defence Forces. As pointed out, there has been an alarming fall in the number of Defence Forces personnel which now stands at slightly over 9,000.

It is a pity that this and the previous Government failed to give a senior Cabinet position to the Department. That has led, in part, to the demoralised state of the Defence Forces. In recent years, the House has not given adequate time to discussions of defence matters. In the 15 months prior to the February 2016 election, the then Joint Committee on Justice, Defence and Equality discussed defence matters just once. That shows the lack of interest.

The Reserve Defence Force is dying a slow death, with recruitment kept at a low level of just 184 recruits in 2014, a good level of 341 recruits in 2015, but only 47 new recruits trained up to November 2016. Recruitment is crucial to the Reserve's survival. If it does not increase, the Reserve will be wiped out.

I will conclude on an important point. I commend my colleague, Deputy Lisa Chambers, on introducing this motion. The 4th Western Brigade must be re-established at Custume Barracks, Athlone. It should never have been disbanded. I look forward to the day that it is restored. Its disestablishment and the removal of so many military positions from the midlands, west and north west have meant that no career-oriented military personnel could ever again put down family roots in those areas. This is another example of government moving out of rural Ireland. I appeal to all Ministers and Ministers of State from the midlands and west to support the motion. We want the re-establishment of the 4th Western Brigade in Athlone.

Paul Kehoe (Wexford, Fine Gael)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

I welcome the opportunity to contribute on the important issue of defence. The motion has given the Government and the House a valuable opportunity to acknowledge the service of the Defence Forces and to reinforce the policy framework provided by the White Paper on Defence, the significant commitment of funding by this and previous Fine Gael-led Governments to the modernisation of the Defence Forces, the investment in equipment platforms and the continuous recruitment of personnel during the years of the worst recession in the history of the State and difficult economic conditions when the rest of the public sector was not recruiting.

I welcome the recognition by Fianna Fáil, Sinn Féin and the Labour Party of the dedication and commitment of the members of the Permanent Defence Force, PDF, and the Reserve Defence Force, RDF. I also recognise Civil Defence volunteers. We owe a deep gratitude to those who made the ultimate sacrifice in the service of the State. I take the opportunity to recognise their patriotic service.

While it is not covered in the motion or the amendments, I acknowledge the significant contribution that the members of the Defence Forces have made, and continue to make, to peacekeeping. For close to 60 years, the Defence Forces have played a vital role as peacekeepers all over the world, including in Europe, Africa and the Middle East. The Defence Forces's 66,000 individual tours of duty on UN and UN-mandated support missions to date is a tangible demonstration of the country's commitment to the pursuit of international peace and security. Today, just under 600 members of the PDF are serving overseas in various parts of the world, which reflects the Government’s continued commitment to our peacekeeping responsibilities. On Thursday morning, the 54th Infantry Group will return from serving with UNDOF in the Golan Heights. I was privileged to meet its members when I visited a few weeks ago and I hope they will enjoy the break with their families and loved ones. A new contingent recently began its deployment with UNDOF. I wish its personnel every success in carrying out their duties.

The White Paper on Defence, approved by the Government in July 2015, provides the strategic and comprehensive defence policy framework for the next decade. It was developed following an extensive consultation process with all interested parties and a comprehensive examination of all defence requirements over a ten-year planning horizon. This policy framework is flexible and responsive, given the dynamic nature of the security environment, and enables the defence organisation to be adaptive to changing circumstances and to use resources as effectively as possible. The development of flexible and adaptive military capabilities is a pragmatic approach to dealing with future uncertainty and the roles assigned by the Government. Capability commitments outlined in the White Paper include maintenance of a PDF establishment of at least 9,500 personnel and the retention of the existing two-brigade Army structure and Air Corps and Naval Service structures. I have indicated to the Oireachtas committee that I will provide updates on the White Paper projects that are under way and that the representative associations will be consulted where appropriate.

I wish to state clearly that the Government is committed to supporting the men and women of Óglaigh na hÉireann, the one and only official Army of the State. They serve the country at home and abroad with great distinction. In 2011, the budgetary provisions for the Defence Forces were such that they risked reducing the numbers serving to below 8,000. That was the legacy of Fianna Fáil while in office. The then Fine Gael-led Government secured additional funding to stop that happening and to stabilise the Defence Forces at 9,500. It also took steps to ensure that recruitment continued in the Defence Forces even when there was an embargo on recruitment across the public service, something that was introduced by the Fianna Fáil-led Government. Fine Gael's record is one of standing up for the Defence Forces and the men and women of Óglaigh na hÉireann who serve the country with loyalty and dedication.

Budget 2017 delivered an additional €16 million for defence. This provides enough resources to pay for the Defence Forces at a full strength of 9,500. It is an extra €7 million for capital spending, bringing the capital allocation up to €74 million, a 10% increase. It includes an extra €6 million for pensions. However, it is not just the men and women of the Defence Forces in whom we are investing. We are also investing in the equipment and platforms that they have available to them so that they can carry out their duties in an effective and safe manner.

The Naval Service ships replacement programme has delivered three new offshore patrol vessels, which is something that no one has mentioned yet. Last year, the Government signed a contract for a fourth new ship. When complete, the total contract value for the four ships will be close to €270 million. We are also investing in the Air Corps, with plans in place to buy new aircraft. A replacement Pilatus aircraft will be delivered this year, the process of replacing the Cessna aircraft is under way and the White Paper provides for replacing the CASA aircraft.

Earlier this year, I was delighted to award a €50 million contract for refurbishing the Army's armoured personnel carriers, something that has not been mentioned in this debate. Investment is being provided for armoured logistics and utility vehicles, which will further enhance force protection. Capital funding will lead to significant construction works across barracks, including at Baldonnel, the Curragh, Haulbowline, Kilkenny and Limerick and in Cathal Brugha and McKee barracks in Dublin.

At the end of February, the effective strength of the PDF stood at 9,070. The Government is committed to maintaining the establishment of the PDF at 9,500 personnel and recognises that a key challenge for the Defence Forces is to return to and maintain this strength. That is why we are recruiting at historically high levels. This year, the Defence Forces are planning for the induction of approximately 900 new entrants. Both cadet and general service recruitment campaigns are currently active. The cadet campaign covers requirement for line and specialist officers, including engineers for the Army and Naval Service and pilots for the Air Corps. Last year, 590 general service recruits were inducted across the Defence Forces, with 100 cadets between all services. That is the largest cadet class in decades.

Some Deputies wish to portray the Government as not taking steps to reach the establishment strength, but that is not the case. Despite what some say, more people entered the Defence Forces in 2016 than left it. As with other areas of the public service, challenges have arisen in terms of the recruitment and retention of personnel with scarce and highly marketable skills, including pilots and air traffic control staff. However, significant work is under way by civil and military elements aimed at addressing these particular challenges, including a range of actions to improve pilot retention and return to a full level of air traffic control services in the Air Corps. While there are challenges in filling these specific technical posts, the current position is that officer ranks are operating at 87% of the establishment strength. In some areas of the Defence Forces, we bring on board direct entry recruits with specialist skills. I have tasked my Department and the Chief of Staff to consider where else this may be possible, including the direct entry of those with required skills to the Air Corps, for example, pilots.

The new Public Service Pay Commission has been tasked with providing objective analysis and advice to the Government on public service remuneration, including the Defence Forces, in the context of the FEMPI Acts 2009 to 2015 and is due to report in the coming months. Once this report is available, the Government intends to initiate negotiations on a successor to the Lansdowne Road agreement ahead of budget 2018 considerations.

I also want to recognise that the Chief of Staff has raised with me the concerns brought to him by some serving members. I have reassured him that future remuneration of Defence Forces personnel will be dealt with within this process. I welcome PDFORRA’s recent decision to sign up to the Lansdowne Road agreement. This will deliver noticeable increases for its members. Regarding additional payments for Operation Pontus, I can confirm that my officials are working with PDFORRA on finalising the conclusion of the negotiated settlement. On my instructions, my officials have been in contact with the Department of Public Expenditure and Reform regarding measures to retain specialist personnel in the Defence Forces, including highly skilled pilots. I assure the House that there is significant work under way in the defence organisation, civil and military, aimed at improving the capacity of the Air Corps.

Recruitment of new personnel is also under way. Currently, there are 27 cadets in three classes undergoing various stages of the Air Corps cadetship to become pilots. Eight were inducted in 2016. There are rolling cadet classes such that we will have additional fully trained pilots this year. The Government continued recruitment in this area during the worst recession in the history of this State. A return to previous levels of capability in the Air Corps will be a gradual process as pilots within the system progress to become aircraft commanders and newly qualified cadets become pilots. Actions are also under way to return a full level of air traffic control services to the Air Corps. Air traffic control training is taking place and options to ensure the longer-term sustainability of air traffic control, ATC, services at Baldonnel are being identified. Some personnel are nearing completion of their training and a new class has recently been inducted. The Defence Forces takes pride in being able to respond to requests for assistance but it must be borne in mind that capabilities are not specifically developed to support other agencies and for civil contingencies but, of course, their utilisation for such tasks maximises the utility of defence capabilities overall and value for money for the State.

Some aspects of the motion and the amendments thereto look to the past rather than the future. The 2012 reorganisation of the Defence Forces was designed to maximise operational capacity and to provide for an organisation that is flexible and can accommodate new or unexpected demands. The reorganisation was carried out on the advice of the then Chief of Staff of the Defence Forces and the Secretary General of the Department of Defence.

Pat Gallagher (Donegal, Fianna Fail)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

The Minister of State's time has expired.

Paul Kehoe (Wexford, Fine Gael)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

I ask that the House allow me the latitude to conclude my speech.

Pat Gallagher (Donegal, Fianna Fail)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

This is a two-hour debate. We cannot extend it. Perhaps one of the Minister of State's colleagues might agree to share time with him.

Paul Kehoe (Wexford, Fine Gael)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

I will ask one of my colleagues to give up two minutes of their time.

Pat Gallagher (Donegal, Fianna Fail)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

Whatever additional time is taken by the Minister of State will be taken from the time of the Minister of State, Deputy Patrick O'Donovan. Is that agreed? Agreed.

Paul Kehoe (Wexford, Fine Gael)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

It replaced the existing under-strength units with a smaller number of full strength units, achieved a reduction in the number of headquarters and brought about the associated redeployment of personnel from administrative and support functions to operational units. As a result, the operational capacity of the Defence Forces has been maintained to the greatest extent possible within the available resource envelope and this has led to an impressive improvement in the deployment and sustainability of the Defence Forces at home and overseas.

The emphasis must remain on maximising operational capacity and not on headquarters structures. It should be noted that no member of the Defence Forces is exclusively or permanently based in any one location. There is a constant through-flow of personnel into and out of their assigned barracks to other barracks. This occurs because military service involves personnel moving into and out of particular postings as they serve at home and overseas and receive training and undergo educational and career development courses. As a result of the reorganisation, there are now more troops stationed in barracks along the west coast. There are now more personnel stationed in Donegal, Galway and Limerick. However, I recognise that there have been issues regarding personnel travelling between barracks and I am working with the military authorities to minimise this.

I restate the Government’s commitment to Custume Barracks, Athlone. Since 2009, more than €6 million has been invested in the barracks. Following the reorganisation, the establishment strength was maintained at around 1,000 personnel. Last year, a €2 million project for the planned refurbishment of the kitchen and dining hall complex in the barracks was announced. This went to tender and work on the design is ongoing. It is planned to provide a permanent base for an aeromedical service, which is currently operating from a temporary structure in Custume Barracks. This will involve the construction of a suitable hangar facility. This project is a priority for me and I am working with my officials on it. It is my intention to get it to design-tender stage by the end of the year. However, this is a joint service with the Department of Health and the HSE, and all parties must be involved in the project.

At the beginning of my contribution I mentioned members of the Reserve who give valued service to the Defence Forces. Last week, in reply to parliamentary questions, and recently in committee, I outlined my work with the military authorities to get more people inducted into the Reserve.

Regarding Brexit, it does not give rise to fundamental strategic issues for Defence Forces operations or for Ireland’s continuing engagement within the European Union in the Common Security and Defence Policy, CSDP. The outcome of the negotiation process will be considered in the context of existing structures and relationships to ensure the Defence Forces continues to fulfil the roles assigned to them by Government. I assure the House that the Government is committed to funding the Defence Forces and equipping them to do their duties safely and effectively. We are doing this through continued investment, engagement with other countries on an international basis and continued recruitment to the Defence Forces, which we have done even in the most difficult of times.

The White Paper on Defence provides the framework from which we will continue to develop and enhance the Defence Forces in the next decade.

Pat Gallagher (Donegal, Fianna Fail)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

Four minutes will be deducted from the time allocated to the Minister of State, Deputy Patrick O'Donovan.

Aengus Ó Snodaigh (Dublin South Central, Sinn Fein)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

Tairgim leasú a 1:

1. (a) To insert the following after "publication of a new White Paper on Defence in 2015;":"acknowledges that the State has a duty of care to all its enlisted men and women, in terms of health and safety and pay and conditions while they are serving with the Defence Forces, and to ensure their health needs are catered for after serving their full contract especially if it has been affected by the rigours of service, including overseas deployment;"(b) To insert the following after "effective strength of the Defence Forces is below 9,000;":"- the 2015 White Paper on Defence commits to maintaining the strength of the Permanent Defence Force at 9,500 personnel, comprising 7,520 Army, 886 Air Corps and 1,094 Naval Service personnel, yet as of 28 February 2017, the strength of the Permanent Defence Force stands at 9,070, whole-time equivalents, that is, 7,293 Army, 701 Air Corps and 1,076 Naval Service personnel;

- the current efforts to recruit personnel into the Defence Forces is falling well short of what is required and that in total, 590 general service recruits, 501 Army and 89 Naval Service recrsuits, were inducted in 2016, along with 100 cadets between all services and that to date in 2017, 106 general service recruits, 103 Army and three Naval Service recruits, and ten Air Corps trainee military aircraft technicians have been inducted, which fails to make-up the short-fall from personnel who have retired or left the service, thus negating the impact of any current recruitment drive;

- the significant turnover of personnel in the Permanent Defence Force can in part be directly attributed to cuts in pay and allowances that have contributed to low morale and the loss of experienced personnel in the three services, resulting in a serious skills deficit, particularly in the Air Corps which has lost 12 air traffic controllers since 2012;

- the starting salary for a private in the Army is €21,000 a year and new entrants and enlisted personnel are so badly paid that an estimated 7,000 are in receipt of family income supplement;" and(c) To insert the following after “reaches its establishment strength of 4,069":"- Ireland to remain exempt from having to increase its spending on weapons and military capabilities from 0.6% to 2% of GDP through the European Union Common Security and Defence Policy; and

- the closure of Ireland’s liaison office to the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation, NATO, and the Partnership for Peace delegation saving the State an average of €450,000 annually; and

further agrees to:

- address the disparity in pay for new recruits whose weekly take home pay is under €300 and that this could be achieved by reversing the reduction in new entrants pay and allowances by 10%;

- re-examine:

- the flat rate security duty allowance and related payments which had been paid to Defence Forces personnel at the standard weekday rate prior to the cuts;

- the 10% reduction in certain Defence Forces allowances;

- the voluntary buyout of border duty allowances for enlisted personnel; and

- the additional incremental points in pay scales for new enlisted personnel posts;

- reflect in law the European Court of Human Rights ruling ECHR 280 (2014) which found that the blanket ban on trade unions within the armed forces is a violation of Article 11, freedom of assembly and association, of the European Convention on Human Rights;

- increase the level of female participation, with the goal of doubling the rate of participation from the current 6% to 12% in the next three years;

- allow Defence Forces personnel the option of serving an additional four years’ service upon completion of their 21 years contract, as was the case prior to 1997; and

- the development of employment schemes involving the Defence Forces targeting young people in the 18 to 24 age group."

Ba mhaith liom i dtús báire mo thacaíocht a léiriú don rún atá molta ag an Teachta Lisa Chambers. Gabhaim buíochas léi as an rún seo a chur os ár gcomhair agus, dá réir, deis a thabhairt dúinn déileáil le cúrsaí na Fórsaí Cosanta anseo, rud nach tarlaíonn go minic seachas nuair a bhíonn ceisteanna againn agus anois is arís os comhair an choiste. Sa leasú ar an rún seo atá curtha chun cinn agam, cuirim béim ar an ngá atá ann ciorraithe pionósacha ar phá agus ar liúntaisí baill na Fórsaí Cosanta - an tArm, an Cabhlach, an tAerchór agus, dar ndóigh, na hÓglaigh Cúltaca, ar a ndéantar dearmad uaireanta - atá i bhfeidhm ó bhí 2009 ann a haisiompú. Measaim go bhfuil an díospóireacht seo an-thráthúil.

This debate is timely coming as it does at a time when the operational capacity of the Army, the Naval Service, the Air Corps and the Reserve has been stretched to breaking point and morale among rank and file personnel has never been lower. The pride people have in the Defence Forces is rightly acknowledged in Deputy Lisa Chambers' motion. Their professionalism and dedication in terms of how they serve the State at home and abroad is inspiring. Despite the high esteem in which military personnel are held, this and previous Governments have implemented policies that have greatly devalued the role of the Defence Forces to the extent that it is a poor imitation of what it should be.

Currently, the combined strength of the Army, Naval Service and Air Corps is marginally more than 9,100 rather than the desired minimum strength of 9,500. Despite the somewhat belated recruitment efforts, there has been a marked failure to make up this shortfall as the significant haemorrhaging of personnel outstrips the minimalist efforts to replace them. Of particular concern is the failure to retain specialist personnel, some of whom take up to five years to train, which means it could be years before the Defence Forces achieve their desired minimum strength. By any objective criteria, the attempts at reorganising the Army have been an unmitigated disaster. When combined with the cutbacks in pay and entitlements, it is not surprising that so many military families are struggling to cope. It is against this backdrop that there has been an unprecedented drop-out rate, with on average between 50 and 60 personnel of all ranks leaving the three branches of the Defence Forces every month. At the same time there has been an absolute failure to recruit and retain a greater number of females into the Defence Forces, the current percentage being only 6%.

The crisis in the Defence Forces was further highlighted in the recent well-being climate survey which identified how the reorganisation of the Defence Forces had resulted in widespread poor morale, with low pay, long-term isolation from family and home being identified as the primary drivers of the exodus of personnel from the Army in particular in recent years but also the other services. There are, of course, human stories behind these statistics. The plight of military families was reinforced to me recently when I met Women and Partners of the Defence Forces, a group that has been formed to lobby the Government to reverse the punishing cutbacks to the pay and conditions of their military spouses.

They explained to me that the starting salary for a private in the Army is €21,000 a year and that a significant number of enlisted personnel are so badly paid that an estimated 7,000 of them are in receipt of family income supplement.

The targeting of rank and file members of the Defence Forces has resulted in families enduring spiralling debt, with many finding themselves in mortgage arrears to the point that house repossessions are not uncommon. Poor credit ratings are leading others to an enforced reliance on moneylenders. The financial pressure on families is so pronounced that working in the Defence Forces can no longer be considered a secure career option with good long-term prospects. It is hardly surprising that there is such a high dropout rate for recruits when their service to the State is not deemed worthy of a liveable wage. Sinn Féin believes proper investment needs to be directed at the men and women of the Defence Forces, whose much-lauded peacekeeping role in some of the world's most dangerous conflict zones must be matched by fair rates of pay and adequate allowances.

The impact of Government policy on the operational capacity of the Defence Forces across the ranks cannot be overstated. In the past three years, over 12% of those in the officer ranks of lieutenant, captain and commandant have left the Defence Forces, taking with them the types of essential skills, experience and corporate knowledge that take years to develop. It is not good enough to recruit at the lower levels without also focusing on the retention of those with higher skill levels, which is vital for the continuing ability and capacity of the Defence Forces.

I am informed that some Army units are operating with just 50% of their required or desired officer numbers. As other Deputies have said, the personnel crisis is so acute that troops are being sent from as far away as Donegal to perform routine barrack duties in Dublin. One of the reasons that the Government has been able to impose such unfair cuts to pay and allowances is that the Department has taken advantage of PDFORRA and RACO being prevented from participating in national pay-bargaining bodies. This has given the Government free rein to impose cuts to enlisted personnel and new entrants to the military. The Department is refusing to reflect in law European Court of Human Rights ruling No. 280 of 2014, which found that the blanket ban on trade unions in the Defence Forces is an unacceptable violation of Article 11. Sinn Féin fully supports the efforts of Defence Forces representative organisations to secure the right under the Council of Europe's charter of social rights to membership of representative organisations with the power to negotiate terms, conditions, pay and allowances.

The alarming loss of specially trained personnel has dramatically reduced the ability of the Defence Forces to provide a minimal effective response to a future major security or humanitarian incident. If these reductions continue at their current rate, the ability of the Defence Forces will be further undermined. The impact on the Air Corps has been especially pronounced. As a result of the loss of 12 air traffic controllers since 2010, the Air Corps cannot operate beyond a minimal efficiency outside the hours from 9 a.m. to 5 p.m. The implications of this lack of capacity became apparent in the aftermath of last month’s tragic loss of Coast Guard helicopter Rescue 116. The unavailability of the Air Corps to provide top cover during the ill-fated search and recovery mission off the Mayo coast, despite being best suited for carrying out that role, can be directly attributed to the fact that air traffic control services at Baldonnel have been cut to office hours only. I noted the Minister of State's comment that capabilities are not developed just to serve civilian organisations. I believe the ability to provide services in these areas should be developed in light of the role the Defence Forces have played over the years.

The scarcity of technicians and pilots in the Air Corps means it is ill-prepared to respond to major incidents or natural disasters because most of its helicopter fleet is grounded. As recently as 1 December 2016, just eight of the Air Corps fleet of 26 aircraft were serviceable because of a shortage of pilots and technicians. There are vacancies for 32 pilots. This equates to 30% of the required established strength of the Air Corps. It should have 317 technicians available to ensure the safe operation of fixed and rotary-wing aircraft, but it has just 215 at present, which is a shortfall of 32%. The new recruits will support the service, but will not do anything to deal fully with the shortfall. Similar shortages have resulted in just two of the Air Corps' six AW139 medium helicopters being in service at any one time. I understand that one of these aircraft is permanently deployed as an air ambulance in Athlone, with a second on standby as backup.

As a result of this significant reduction in capacity, the Air Corps has been prevented from transporting seriously-ill children to Britain for organ transplant operations when organs become available after 5 p.m. This means that potentially life-saving operations have to be foregone. The State’s limited daytime aerial interdiction capability against slow to moderate speed targets no longer exists. This role, which was undertaken by PC9 trainers, was discontinued because there are no radar guided intercept controllers due to the lack of air traffic control staff in Casement Aerodrome.

In debating the motion, it is important to place on record the duty of care the State has to all its enlisted men and women in terms of health and safety and pay and conditions, especially when they are deployed overseas in dangerous conflict zones. Therefore, it is scandalous that despite the possible serious side effects associated with the anti-malaria drug Lariam, it is still routinely administered to service personnel when they are abroad. It is banned or considered a drug of last resort in most other countries. The refusal of the Department of Defence to withdraw Lariam in the face of overwhelming evidence that it causes serious long-term and potentially fatal side effects is a damning indictment of Government policy and a reflection of the head-in-the-sand attitude of the military and health authorities. It points to a worrying failure in the way the State protects the physical and mental health of troops.

It is equally appalling that the State remains dogged in its determination to contest all claims by some of the men and women severely affected physically and mentally by this drug. For this reason, Sinn Féin has placed on the Order Paper a motion that seeks the immediate withdrawal of Lariam. This proposal has been supported by many other Members of the House. We hope we will receive the support of Fianna Fáil when we bring the motion forward shortly. Perhaps the Government will support our request at that stage by sending an instruction to the military authorities to discontinue using Lariam and replace it with Malarone or Doxycycline for personnel serving overseas.

The treatment of Air Corps personnel who served as ground crew at Casement Aerodrome has been equally damning. I refer primarily to young cadets who served from the mid-1990s onwards. As far back as 1995 - this issue might go back even further - serious health and safety concerns were being reported to the Department of Defence about the manner in which highly toxic and dangerous chemicals were being handled at Casement Aerodrome. The extent of the exposure of trainee personnel to highly dangerous, corrosive and cancerous chemicals such as trichloroethylene has resulted in a number of protected disclosures to the Government. These disclosures have highlighted wholly inadequate health and safety protocols at Casement Aerodrome, such as the cross-contamination of chemicals, the lack of personal protective equipment and a wide range of other issues which seriously compromised the health of Air Corps personnel.

In spite of the presentation of overwhelming evidence to the military authorities, successive Ministers for Defence have denied and downplayed the extent of this problem and claimed to have been unaware of what was happening. It is time for an immediate comprehensive health and safety review of existing procedures and protocols at Casement Aerodrome and other military installations where Defence Forces personnel work or have worked with hazardous chemicals and materials. The State must deal with claims from serving and retired Air Corps personnel in a much more compassionate way. The adversarial approach that seems to be the default position of the Department of Defence is unacceptable. The Department and the Government should learn from the Australian military, which has introduced compensation schemes to assist retired and serving air force personnel whose health has been compromised as a result of a similar scandal involving the handling of hazardous chemicals and materials without proper training or equipment.

Irish neutrality is not enshrined in the Constitution even though it is overwhelmingly supported by the people of Ireland. This fact has been exploited by successive Governments when pursuing policies which, in my view and that of my party, have devalued the relevance of Irish neutrality.

Sinn Féin believes our neutral status has greatly enhanced Ireland’s status globally over the years, particularly when the Defence Forces preformed honourably and admirably in carrying out their peacekeeping duties in volatile conflict zones under the UN flag. However, we believe the international goodwill from across the world is being eroded by the retrograde policies of successive Governments to associate our international policies with those of the increasingly militarised European Union and its interoperability with the agenda of NATO rather than that of the United Nations. This has been evidenced in recent years by a number of multilateral agreements to allow the Defence Forces to participate in NATO’s Partnership for Peace and EU battle groups, as well as the scandalous use of Shannon Airport as a military staging post for US soldiers and munitions and the State’s submission to the diktats of the European Defence Agency. A referendum is necessary, therefore, to amend the Constitution in order to enshrine Irish neutrality in Bureacht na hÉireann, and to withdraw Ireland's participation from the European Defence Agency. The Government must oppose efforts to establish a European army and must cease Ireland’s links to NATO’s Partnership for Peace.

Mar chríoch ar an méid atá le rá agam ar an rún seo, ba cheart don Aire Stáit agus don Rialtas i gcoitinne aitheantas ceart a thabhairt don chruachás, do na constaicí agus, go háirithe, do na fadhbanna airgeadais lena bhfuil fir agus mná na Fórsaí Cosanta ag cur suas. Is gá na ciorruithe a cuireadh orthu ón bhliain 2009 i leith a mhaolú agus a scor.

Brendan Ryan (Dublin Fingal, Labour)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

This is a very welcome motion which contains a lot of very good things. However, we wish to add some important points that we believe are absent. The Labour Party has regularly sought an upgrade of the ability of the Defence Forces to negotiate their terms and conditions of employment. Such an upgrade would, in turn, have an impact on the ability to earn an income without having recourse to family income supplement. We also have concerns regarding the health and safety of Defence Forces personnel, particularly in the context of the use of Lariam. We have raised these concerns in our amendment, which takes the form of an addendum, and hope they will be acceptable to all Members of the House. As I said, the Fianna Fáil motion contains a lot of good measures which we in the Labour Party support. That is why our amendment takes the form of an addendum.

PDFORRA has long held the belief that for truly effective and equitable negotiations to be undertaken on behalf of its membership, affiliation to ICTU is imperative. This would allow the Defence Forces to have access to the Workplace Relations Commission, WRC, for dispute resolution and to be involved in national pay bargaining like other workers. This view has been held by the membership of PDFORRA since 1995, when a vote on the matter was passed unanimously by delegates at its conference. Speaking at the conference in 1995, Peter Cassels, the then ICTU general secretary, informed the delegates that while he recognised that the Defence Forces had a special role to play, members should still have a say on pay, taxation, social welfare and health, and this should be conducted through ICTU. Subsequent attempts by PDFORRA to petition various Ministers on the granting of affiliation status have been rejected. In a not too dissimilar situation two years ago, the Association of Garda Sergeants and Inspectors, AGSI, had a successful petition to the European Committee of Social Rights. PDFORRA reviewed the determination and considered the parallels between the circumstances of PDFORRA and the AGSI, and also petitioned the committee. PDFORRA believes that the protections enshrined within the European Social Charter should apply to its members and the Labour Party supports that call.

National pay agreements have been the norm in this country for many years. In the absence of an ability to highlight matters affecting its members at central negotiations, PDFORRA's effectiveness at negotiation is severely hampered. While there is a conciliation and arbitration scheme in existence for members of the Permanent Defence Force, it is, for a number of reasons, limited in scope and power. It is also identical to the scheme enjoyed by An Garda Síochána, which was the subject of its complaint to the European Committee of Social Rights.

We will continue to push for PDFORRA to have recourse to the WRC. The Bus Éireann dispute is now into its 12th day. Recourse to the WRC has always been available and talks will resume through that channel. Unfortunately, this option would not be open to members of the Defence Forces. This is wrong and needs to be rectified. In our addendum, we ask for this to be rectified and I hope it receives majority support in the House.

The cost of living crisis is not limited to one sector, it affects all sectors. The fact that over 20% - one in five is an incredible number - of the members of the Defence Forces are in receipt of family income supplement highlights a shameful aspect of our economy. The fact that there is an unwillingness or inability on the part of organisations in the private and public sectors to adequately pay their workforces in order that they can meet their basic living needs of housing, light, heat, food and raising children is a shame. If the Defence Forces were permitted to fight their corner in pay negotiations, their members would not have to avail of family income supplement in such high numbers. A plan should be put in place to ensure that pay is commensurate with the needs of ordinary members of the Defence Forces and, in doing so, to ensure the need for members to rely on family income supplement becomes a distant memory.

On 11 November 2016 an agreement was reached, through an independent adjudicator, that crews serving as part of Operation Pontus in the Mediterranean should be paid an armed allowance of €15 per day. These payments are still owed to the personnel and are long overdue. The Minister needs to rectify this situation with immediate effect.

We recognise the ongoing concerns of personnel and their families due to the continued use of Lariam and the lack of proper support and after-care services for members of the forces. There are very real fears about the impact on people's careers if any mental health side effects from Lariam are noted on medical records. An independent outside review in respect of the continued use of Lariam should be carried out. I have said this to the Minister on previous occasions. It is vital and long overdue.

Every day, the members of our Defence Forces bravely defend vulnerable communities worldwide from exploitation, violence and death. They keep the peace on the most dangerous parts of the planet. They rescue hundreds of refugees from the waters of the Mediterranean, where many perished fleeing violence and persecution. What our addendum and the original motion seek to achieve are relatively modest when weighed against the contribution the Defence Forces make to our security and that in theatres of conflict throughout the world. We ask for support for the addendum.

Mick Barry (Cork North Central, Solidarity)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

The Minister of State said, "The Fine Gael record is one of standing up for the Defence Forces and the men and women of Óglaigh na hÉireann who serve our country with loyalty and distinction." What he should have said is, "The Fine Gael record is one of treating the Defence Forces and the men and women of Óglaigh na hÉireann who serve tge country with loyalty and distinction to a diet of low pay which is completely unacceptable." Low pay is rampant in the Defence Forces. Some 20% of Defence Forces personnel, that is, one in five, are paid such a low wage they are forced to apply for and survive on family income supplement. Has that cohort not served their country with loyalty and distinction? PDFORRA has calculated that, taking into account the long hours they work, naval personnel on tours of duty in the Mediterranean have been working for €9.15 per hour. This is a minimum-wage rate. Is that what the Minister calls standing up for the Defence Forces?

The month of April is upon us.

9 o’clock

Boys and girls around the country are being prepared for their First Holy Communion. It is a costly exercise with clothes needing to be bought and preparations made for the day but parents are prepared to sacrifice to do it properly. How many members of the Defence Forces will be forced this year to seek loans to pay for the communion because their pay is so low? How many will be forced to get loans from moneylenders in towns and villages throughout the country let alone being unable to pay a mortgage or afford a holiday in 2017? Full pension rights in the Defence Forces are reserved for members with 21 years of unbroken service. How does the Minister of State justify the fact that taking one's statutory parental leave constitutes a break in service and means one does not receive a full pension? Is that not unfair, particularly for female members of our Defence Forces?

Against this background, we have seen the establishment of the group of wives and partners of members of the Defence Forces. They have called for protests at barracks across the country on the part of Defence Forces wives, partners and families on Thursday, 20 April, assembling at gates at 12 noon and continuing the protests until 2 p.m. under the slogan "Pay our forces a fair wage". These wives and partners stand in the proud tradition of the National Army Spouses Association which rocked the political and military establishment with protests and election challenges to the exploitation of Defence Forces personnel. They were effective. The development of this new group is a positive one, as is their protest. I wish them good luck on their bold initiative which deserves to be a great success.

The motion is extremely watery. It is aimed at making Fianna Fáil look good while putting no real pressure on the Government to address these issues. The addendum and the amendment are good. I support the idea that the Permanent Defence Forces Other Ranks Representative Association should have the right to go to the Workplace Relations Commission, WRC, and the Labour Court and to affiliate with the Irish Congress of Trade Unions. They should have full trade union rights up to and including the right to strike.

Bríd Smith (Dublin South Central, People Before Profit Alliance)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

A Defence Forces climate survey of 2015 found that staff had broadly become less happy with their work in the military over the intervening years from 2008 when the previous report had been put together. According to the report, there is a perception of a lack of justice in the organisation, especially among the lower ranks, and that the espoused values of the Defence Forces are not effectively enacted daily. The majority of respondents do not feel a sense of belonging and identification with the organisation. While Fianna Fáil's motion sounds notes of great patriotism and the pride and honour that goes with saying it is a great and wonderful Army and noting the sacrifices it makes, I am left cold when I think about the survey and how this and previous Governments, including those of Fianna Fáil, have allowed the pay and conditions of soldiers to be run down to the point that 7,000 members of the Defence Forces have to claim family income support from the State while PDFORRA has no right to provide them with official representation.

I experienced déjà vuwhen Deputy Mick Barry announced the protest at barracks by wives and families of soldiers. It was the wives and families of soldiers who had to come out and protest in the past at the conditions military personnel were working under. They deserve to be treated as patriots. There is a very good part of the Sinn Féin amendment which states that Ireland should remain exempt from having to increase its spending on weapons and military capabilities from 0.6% to 2% of GDP because of the European common security and defence policy. We should amend that to state that if we have to increase to 2% of GDP, the money should be used to treat soldiers properly, to pay them properly and to get them out of the state of low morale and poverty wages on which they exist. It is shocking.

I feel a sense of pride in our Defence Forces not because I adhere to any policy of war or aggression but because they do wonderful things like go to the Mediterranean and pull refugees from the sea, saving the lives of children, men and women. That is something of which to be enormously proud.It is also something to be proud of when they are involved in rescue missions like the one we saw in the west of Ireland and save people there. However, there is underfunding of the rescue service capacity of the Defence Forces and that needs to be addressed. Our amendment to the motion attempts to address some of these issues. In the context of speaking about the military, we should welcome the opportunity to reiterate the role the Defence Forces can play in saving lives and protecting people from climate change and other disasters. We should also note the attempt by this and previous Governments to rubbish the policy of neutrality in this country by continually allowing Shannon Airport to be used as a stopover by other military powers on their way to death and destruction across the Middle East and elsewhere. It is not just an abuse of our neutrality but an insult to the idea of our independence and the role our own military should play in maintaining peace and security at home and abroad in the services they nobly provide to save lives due to climate change and war. While I support many aspects of the proposed amendments, I do not support the substantive motion.

Noel Grealish (Galway West, Independent)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

I thank Deputy Lisa Chambers of Fianna Fáil for moving the motion on which I am delighted to have an opportunity to speak, two members of my family having served in the military in Galway, as well as two members who also served in the city in the FCA many years ago. I am proud to say I am a great friend of Dún Uí Mhaoilíosa in Renmore, which the Minister of State has visited a few times. I call there regularly and it is great to see a number of the soldiers from the barracks serving currently in the Golan Heights. I thought we might get an opportunity to visit them but, unfortunately, we did not. Members of the Defence Forces are serving on many duties abroad and I note in particular the Naval Service which has saved many lives in the Mediterranean. That must be acknowledged. Irish soldiers command a great deal of respect abroad and that must be acknowledged also. It is a pity one hears so many Members talk about the terrible pay and conditions they have and that some of them are availing of family income supplement. I ask the Minister of State to address the issue of their pay.

The role of the Defence Forces was central Ireland's memorial celebration of the centenary of the 1916 Rising last year and its members were magnificent in the execution of their duties. They represented the Defence Forces at local unveilings of commemorative stones and memorials, as well as at the impressive formal ceremonies of Easter week. I was in attendance at Dún Uí Mhaoilíosa when the Minister of State gave serving members the special medals which had previously been awarded to those who had taken part in the Rising. However, what should have been a joyous celebration left a sour taste in the mouths of former and retired members of the Defence Forces who were not included. Those soldiers, sailors and Air Corps personnel who also gave great service to the country feel very aggrieved that they were excluded from receiving those 1916 medals. Some members of the Defence Forces had only served for a matter of weeks when these medals were awarded whereas retired members who had given over 40 years of service at home and abroad were not awarded a medal. I ask the Minister of State to look at that matter again.

It would surely cost the Government comparatively little to right this wrong now, and in doing so acknowledge the valuable contribution to the security of the country made by those not currently serving. It would mean a lot to them.

I am already on the record as saying the reorganisation of the Army structure into two brigades in 2012 has been an unmitigated disaster resulting in endless problems and a suspected fall in morale among members of the Defence Forces. I fully support the motion to restore the fourth brigade based in Athlone, encompassing Dún Uí Mhaoilíosa barracks in Galway. The first infantry Battalion stationed in Galway is now overseen operationally from a regional headquarters in Cork, which is just ridiculous. I suspect the reorganisation of 2012 was a significant factor in the negative findings of the well-being in the Defence Forces survey of 2015. This study found that less than half of serving members were satisfied with their life in the military. Significantly, the study found that satisfaction has dropped greatly, from 64% in 2008 under the old three brigade structure to 48% in 2015, three years after the changes.

The falling strength of the Defence Forces in recent years is also undoubtedly affecting morale. Staffing shortages caused by the voluntary outflow of trained personnel has resulted in operational units being unable to deploy sub-units to platoon-sized strength, 30 persons of all ranks, which is compromising operations.

A total of 45% of Dublin-based security duties must be conducted by regional units. Units such as those in Donegal, Dundalk and Athlone are like Grand Central station, with troops being transported to and from Dublin. The majority of Army units are now concentrated in the east and south of the country, leaving the Border with Northern Ireland bereft of troops at a time of political uncertainty there and the upcoming upheaval of Brexit.

Michael Fitzmaurice (Roscommon-Galway, Independent)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

I thank Deputy Noel Grealish for sharing time and I compliment Fianna Fáil on tabling the motion.

We need to salute the soldiers throughout the country and the work they do. We have seen the work they have done rescuing people in foreign lands. It would make one proud to be Irish. They have worked with the United Nations on peacekeeping duties for many years and the Irish soldiers have stood out.

It is important to ensure the number of personnel is maintained. There is a shortage of pilots. I know we cannot train pilots overnight, but I question the figures I hear on how much it costs to train them. We need contracts to keep them in the Defence Forces to recover the cost of training. Figures of €1 million and €1.2 million are thrown about, given everything that is involved. We need to ensure we entice these people to stay in the Defence Forces because they are important. Some pilots may go to foreign lands for a while. We are stuck for personnel and the Army should be open. We should ensure there is a transparent way to allow people to return to the Defence Forces. I hope the Minister of State will address this issue.

Last year when flooding was at high peak, in fairness to the Army it went to various places which were in trouble. When an area in County Roscommon was under pressure the Army came from Galway but Athlone was up the road. Deputy Noel Grealish stated that for some duties personnel travelled from the four corners of Ireland to Dublin, which makes it a little nonsensical. Some thinking needs to be done or something needs to be sorted out.

Athlone barracks has been discussed. The air ambulance is in Athlone, and this has been helpful, but it cannot fly at night which is an awful drawback. If a hospital in a county is closed, and for all citizens in Ireland, it is important this facility is there day or night so if someone is badly injured or has to be rushed to a distant hospital in an emergency we have helicopters which will do this. The Department of Defence was brought into this, but perhaps it should be the Department of Health which should look after it. As the Minister of State has responsibility, I ask him to examine this issue.

The numbers in Athlone barracks need to be kept stable. It is a rural part of Ireland, no more than Galway, Donegal and other places, and it is important that Army bases are held and the numbers are maintained. We do not know what it will be like in six months time or two years time, when the Brexit talks have finished. Will we be back to the same ding dong as before? We must ensure we have an Army that is ready at any given time. I know there is not money to throw at everything, and I am not unrealistic, but we need to ensure as a nation we put the best possible resources into the Army.

Brendan Smith (Cavan-Monaghan, Fianna Fail)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

I compliment my party colleague, Deputy Lisa Chambers, on tabling this very important motion. It is a comprehensive motion, and those of us who participate in the Joint Oireachtas Committee on Foreign Affairs and Trade, and Defence, and Deputy Noel Grealish is a member, know Deputy Lisa Chambers has consistently highlighted the issues of concern to the Permanent Defence Force and to us as a society. There is an obvious need, as the motion points out, for recruitment and retention of personnel. I am told quite a number of people leave the Permanent Defence Force and join the British Army. I do not know whether this is a case of pay and lack of remuneration but I sincerely hope it can be addressed. Other speakers have outlined the need for better pay and conditions. I sincerely hope these issues can be addressed. There is no point in all of us speaking about the value, importance and great standing of the Permanent Defence Force if it is not adequately resourced.

Deputy Noel Grealish quite rightly pointed out the reorganisation of the Defence Forces in 2012 and 2013. At the time, the Minister of State participated in some of the debates in the Dáil as Government Chief Whip. We trenchantly argued against the closure of Dún Uí Néill barracks in Cavan and other barracks. If we take the northern half of the country, we have one barracks in Finner, south Donegal, and the only other barracks along the Border is Aiken barracks in Dundalk. We have a huge central Border area with no Army military installation. This was a very retrograde step. It was deplorable that the then Government decided to close the most modern purpose-built barracks in Europe. The Minister of State may recall, and the statistics are available to him, it was the most efficient barracks. It was the cheapest to run because of modern facilities and good management. It was a very backward step for the Permanent Defence Force that Dún Uí Néill barracks was closed at the time.

Last week at the Estimates meeting, the Minister of State will recall we discussed participation by Irish Permanent Defence Force members with the United Nations. At the meeting, Deputy Lisa Chambers proposed we should have a full debate in the Dáil, on the service by the Defence Forces with the United Nations. I supported this proposal, as did all other committee members. The most recent report on this applies to 2015. We do not have discussions in the House near often enough on the Defence Forces and their importance, their role and the respect in which we all hold them. I sincerely hope we can have this debate at an early date, with the agreement of all the party Whips.

All of us are proud of the very considerable role played by members of the Permanent Defence Force in United Nations missions in many difficult and troubled areas of the world. One of the best public occasions I attended as a public representative was a number of years ago, in my county town of Cavan, at the official ceremony marking the departure of a large number of people to Lebanon at Dún Uí Néill Army barracks.

It was a magnificent occasion. The formal part of the proceedings for the departure was held in Cavan town. Thousands of people turned out to show their appreciation of the role those people would go on to play in troubled places in the world and the role so many people from our own area have played in peacekeeping missions over the years. It is an area in which we need to continue to have full involvement.

The Minister of State will also recall that at the committee in the past year we have discussed the lack of numbers in the Reserve Defence Force on a number of occasions. The submission made by the Reserve Defence Force Representative Association painted a very grim picture with regard to the maladministration, the way recruitment to the Reserve Defence Force is conducted and the delay in inducting people into the Reserve Defence Force. We sincerely hope those issues which were very well amplified by the president of the association and the general secretary will be addressed without delay. The Reserve Defence Force Representative Association has played a very important role in society over the years. I consistently highlight the fact that I know many young people who would have been vulnerable at the time to be targeted by paramilitary groups and other thugs. The Reserve Defence Force Representative Association provided an outlet to those young people who were vulnerable and who went on to play a meaningful and important role in society. There is a role for the Reserve Defence Force Representative Association and I sincerely hope it will be treated with the respect that it deserves.

Fiona O'Loughlin (Kildare South, Fianna Fail)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

I pay tribute to my colleague, Deputy Lisa Chambers, for the very robust motion that she has put before the House today. I come from south Kildare where people are very proud of the fact that we have the home of the Defence Forces training centre in the Curragh. All of the Defence Forces officers that we have were educated and trained in the military college there. There is a huge military tradition in the county, and I acknowledge the pride that Irish people, those from Kildare in particular, have in our Defence Forces and the contribution that is made by the Permanent Defence Force, the Reserve Defence Force and Civil Defence to society. In Kildare, we regularly remember those members who have made the ultimate sacrifice in the service of the State, in particular those on overseas peacekeeping missions. The Organisation of National Ex-Servicemen and Women, ONE, plays a remarkable part in annual services throughout the county, especially Mr. Philip Coy. I acknowledge the great work of the Representative Association of Commissioned Officers, RACO, and the Permanent Defence Forces Other Ranks Representative Association, PDFORRA. One of the first public meetings that I was ever involved in was back in the early 1990s with Mr. Jim Lucey and Mr. Jim Brady at the inception of that organisation, which continues to do tremendous work on behalf of its members.

Being from Kildare, I continually meet soldiers' families and I am acutely aware of the many areas of concern within the forces at present. Many personnel are not happy with their work situation. This has resulted in over 10% of commissioned officers and 25% of enlisted personnel leaving the Defence Forces since the 2013 reorganisation, leaving significant gaps in capability, expertise and unit manning levels. This is particularly alarming. My party has always been committed and continues to be committed to a defence policy that is measured, fit for purpose, appropriately resourced and which allows the Department of Defence and the Defence Forces to go forward with confidence in an ever-changing world of new and emerging threats. "Fit for purpose" is the appropriate phrase that has to be used here. It entails personnel being fit for purpose using equipment that is fit for purpose. With so much turmoil and reorganisation in the Defence Forces, one must ask if the organisation is able to meet all of its commitments. The Minister never ceases to make promises that the Defence Forces are in a position to meet and to face current threats. Late last year, as we were 24 hours from all-out industrial action by An Garda Síochána, we were assured in the House that the Defence Forces could fill the void. Are we sure the Defence Forces have that capability at this point in time? Are the Defence Forces currently able to meet the terrorist threats which are faced in modern Europe? Are we leaving ourselves open to risk as a society?

It seems that with the lack of expenditure and investment, which amounted to just 0.25% of GDP this year, Ireland is lacking the minimum conventional capability to provide a credible defence based on deterrence. The Defence Forces should have a designated strength of 9,500, but their numbers have now fallen well below that. With 12% to 13% of military personnel in full-time training or education at any one time, which is required to prepare for and perform the range of operational tasking assigned to the Defence Forces by Government, the numbers have fallen well below what is required to carry out operational tasks. The Defences Forces have had eight reorganisations and reviews since 1992. That is an average of one every three years. The exploitation of the loyalty of the members has resulted in turmoil, relocation, uncertainty and confusion for members of the Defence Forces and their families. Such tensions and family displacements are not conducive to optimal operational viability, certainty and good morale. I meet families in south Kildare every week who are victims of this turmoil. The Defence Forces have been an easy target for cost-cutting. Its unreserved loyalty and professionalism has perhaps been taken advantage of.

Patrick O'Donovan (Limerick County, Fine Gael)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

I am sharing time with Deputy Tony McLoughlin.

I welcome Deputy Fiona O'Loughlin's contribution. She mentioned confusion. There is utter confusion in Fianna Fáil, because in 2010, when it was last in government, it provided for 8,000 members of the Permanent Defence Force, which would, as the Deputy quite rightly suggests, have left us in an even worse position. When Fianna Fáil's spokesperson takes the opportunity to sum up on behalf of the party, there might be an apology for the state Fianna Fáil left the Defence Forces in when it was last in government and the morale which it ran into the ground when it drove the country over the cliff. I would welcome that also. I am sure the other members of the Defence Forces around the country and those people who could not join the Defence Forces because of Fianna Fáil's stance in its time in Government would welcome it too. That was only in 2010. I welcome that the Deputy said there was confusion. There seems to be utter confusion in Fianna Fáil.

Not to spare the opposition entirely, I note the presence of the Sinn Féin spokesperson on defence. I welcome Sinn Féin's Pauline conversion also. It was not so long ago that Sinn Féin and its colleagues in the IRA viewed the members of the Defence Forces as traitors. I am not sure whether Sinn Féin still recognises the Defence Forces. Its representative might take the opportunity in his contribution here to state on the record of the House that there is only one Óglaigh na hÉireann.

We have heard some extremely important points in the House. I recognise the Deputy's genuine concern to ensure the approach to defence is undertaken in ways which respect the wishes of the people. I recognise the high esteem in which the Defence Forces are held and the appreciation of the often dangerous work they do at home and overseas. Several Deputies have referred to this and, in acknowledging the positive features of the debate, it is important to point out that it is the Executive, that is the Government which has to seek practical policies that are feasible in the interests of citizens and taxpayer. In the interests of any democracy, management of defence through the civil and democratic control of the armed forces is paramount.

Irish people have a realistic and well grounded sense of expectations for defence. It is a matter for Government to deliver. The amendment that is tabled by the Government is realistic in its approach and takes cognisance of the actual position with regard to the Defence Forces as it currently stands. The Government has a record of investing in the Defence Forces, unlike its predecessor that drove the country over the edge in 2011.

Tony McLoughlin (Sligo-Leitrim, Fine Gael)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

I am dividing my time with Deputy John Paul Phelan.

I welcome the opportunity to address the issues raised in this motion about the strength of the Defence Forces. The position is that, at the end of February 2017, the effective strength of the Permanent Defence Force stood at 9,070. The Government is committed to maintaining the establishment of the Permanent Defence Force at 9,500.

It is recognised that a key challenge is to return to and maintain this strength. It important to clarify that, in total, 590 general service recruits were inducted in 2016, with 100 cadets between all services. Recruitment remains a priority in 2017 and, significantly, more personnel will be recruited this year, with funding secured to ensure delivery of this outcome. Both cadet and general service recruitment campaigns are currently active, with historically high levels of recruitment being pursued. The Defence Forces are planning for the induction of 900 new entrants in 2017. While the Fianna Fáil motion fails to recognise that the Defence Forces are the only arm of the public service in which there was continuous recruitment and promotion during the years of austerity, it does include a call to increase the establishment strength of the Permanent Defence Force to 10,500. However, it is important to remember that there are challenges, particularly in the Air Corps, in filling certain posts not related to the establishment figure of 9,500.

As in other areas of the public service, challenges have arisen in the recruitment and retention of personnel with scarce and highly marketable skills, including pilots and air traffic control staff. Significant work is under way aimed at addressing these challenges. While there are difficulties in filling specific posts, the position is that officer ranks across the Defence Forces are currently operating at a figure of 87%. Any increase in numbers must, in monetary terms, be supported by spending adjustments in other areas, including military equipment and support services. The cost implications would have a multiplier effect, in that each additional member of the Defence Forces employed would involve the incurring of costs in other areas of defence spending. Therefore, any decision to increase the establishment figure of 9,500 must be considered in the light of the total cost the taxpayer would incur, not simply pay and allowances. The cost of an increase of 1,000 personnel, expressed in terms of pay and allowances only, is estimated at almost €50 million. When the costs of training, equipping and maintaining and other expenses are added, the figure will far exceed €50 million per annum. It is recognised internationally that the pay to non-pay ratio of military spending should be no lower than 70:30; thus every €50 million increase in payroll costs needs to be matched by the expenditure of at least another €21 million. That is an important aspect to be considered in this debate.

The White Paper also takes a developmental approach to the Reserve Defence Force. It confirms its role as augmenting that of the Permanent Defence Force in a crisis and contributing to State ceremonial events. At the end of February the effective strength of the Reserve Defence Force stood at 1,970. Recruitment to both the Permanent Defence Force and Reserve Defence Force remains a priority in 2017. Membership of the Reserve Defence Force is voluntary and the quest for recruits must compete with that it other organisations within the voluntary sector. These conditions, with the unique demands imposed by military service, make attracting recruits challenging at the best of times.

Lisa Chambers (Mayo, Fianna Fail)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

I am sharing time with Deputy Niamh Smyth.

Niamh Smyth (Cavan-Monaghan, Fianna Fail)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

I welcome the opportunity to speak on this important issue. I compliment Deputy Lisa Chambers on tabling this important motion.

As someone who comes from the constituency of Cavan-Monaghan, the Government closed four provincial military barracks, namely, the facilities in Cavan, Mullingar, Clonmel and Castlebar. The majority of the 540 staff affected were Army personnel who were relocated to other facilities further afield. Of the affected personnel, 136 were based in O’Neill Army Barracks in County Cavan. They were redeployed to Athlone following the announcement. At the time the move by the Government caused huge angst, worry and upheaval for local families. There was as a result a significant downside. The decision resulted in turmoil and relocation, uncertainty and confusion for members of the Defence Forces. Such tensions and family displacements are not conducive to achieving optimum operational viability, certainty and good morale.

The Defence Forces have been an easy target for cost-cutting, with perhaps their unreserved loyalty and professionalism being taken advantage of. Policy has become a matter of fitting the Defence Forces into a particular budget envelope. We all agree that the single greatest asset of the Defence Forces is their personnel, yet the Defence Forces are facing huge difficulties in retaining and recruiting sufficient personnel. They are seriously below strength and it is time to rebuild significantly. The decline in recent years has left them with just 9,000 personnel, 430 below the agreed strength. The exit from the Defence Forces, at all ranks, is ongoing, with the number running at between 40 and 50 a month.

In the light of Brexit, possibly the single biggest issue facing the Government in the history of the state, it is time to give the Department of Defence the focus and importance it deserves. The decision in March 2011 to assign the defence portfolio as a subsidiary role to the Minister for Justice and Equality indicated an essential lack of respect for the position. While it was not unreasonable to assign it with another Cabinet portfolio, to include it with the Department of Justice and Equality, one of the busiest Departments, was regressive.

I come from a Border constituency where Brexit and all of the concerns associated with it are to the forefront of everyone’s mind, including checkpoints, a need for security or worse and a return to smuggling and criminality in the Border region. Ireland needs to recommit to the Defence Forces. Fianna Fáil believes we should seek to increase the strength of the Defence Forces to over 10,000 in the coming year. We also believe it is important to retain what we have. The State’s defence policy, its implementation and resourcing, must be appropriate. For our part, Fianna Fáil is committed to a defence policy that is measured, fit for purpose, appropriately resourced and which allows the Department of Defence and the Defence Forces to move forward with confidence in an ever-changing world, with emerging threats such as those I have outlined. In tabling the motion Deputy Lisa Chambers is acting on the belief the Defence Forces are of critical importance to both the State and Irish society, not to mention the Border region. Fianna Fáil consistently raised this issue between 2011 and 2014. It is welcome that the Minister for Defence is also not the Minister for Justice and Equality. However, we believe we must move forward and commit to the restoration of defence as a lead portfolio in the Cabinet. The Minister with day-to-day responsibility for defence policy should be a fully-fledged Cabinet Minister, not a Minister of State, as is the case. That would be a very clear affirmation of the value the State must place on the Defence Forces.

Lisa Chambers (Mayo, Fianna Fail)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

It is a pity the Minister of State, Deputy Patrick O'Donovan, decided to exit the Chamber so quickly. He appeared to be confused in supporting a non-existent Government amendment. Perhaps his colleagues might inform him of same.

The suggestion the motion is somehow inconsistent with the White Paper needs to be considered in the light of the fact that the failures of the reorganisation in 2012 did not manifest until 2014. The Green Paper consultation process commenced in 2013. No consultation took place after this until the final consultation forum prior to publication of the White Paper in 2015. The current human resource failures and the financial resourcing inadequacies confirm the requirement to revisit the White Paper in the light of current circumstances where it has been clearly demonstrated that the Defence Forces are unable to meet the demands of the State.

During Leaders' Questions today the Taoiseach stated morale in the Defence Forces was high. Is he contradicting or contesting the findings of the University of Limerick climate survey conducted in 2016? The Minister of State knows from many discussions in this Chamber in the past year that morale is not high. In fact, it is quite low.

The Minister of State touched on the issue of recruitment and the retention of personnel. We have to acknowledge that the skills required in the Defence Forces need to be grown organically as we cannot recruit externally. We have to train people from scratch. This takes a considerable period of time and in the absence of a clear retention policy the Defence Forces are going to continue to haemorrhage personnel. The Minister of State has done nothing to show me or any other Deputy what the plan is to ensure retention. He is rumbling through and speaking about recruitment campaigns, which is fine. Last year's recruitment campaign actually resulted in a net loss of Defence Forces personnel. Defence Forces numbers are down again.

The White Paper is a soft strategy. Its real test is the operational results. Is it true that the White Paper project team had to redesign its approach after establishing that the Defence Forces could not meet the identified threat analysis?

The Minister of State mentioned the purchase of key equipment by his Department.

We all welcome that but is the Government financing the purchase of those items with payroll savings? That appears to be where the savings are being made and the money is coming from.

Fine Gael made a poor attempt to have a pop at Fianna Fáil in this debate but it is Fine Gael which has downgraded the Defence portfolio and removed it as a full Cabinet portfolio. We did not do that. Fine Gael did that and it has continued with that policy. The Minister of State said the Fine Gael record is one of standing up for the Defence Forces but there would have been a mass rolling of eyes across the country as people listened to that statement. The Fine Gael record is low morale, haemorrhaging of key and highly skilled personnel and persistent under-resourcing and understaffing of our Defence Forces. That is Fine Gael's record to date.

Did the Minister of State review the Department's submission to the Low Pay Commission? Did the four pages reflect the significance of the remuneration issues that exist in the Defence Forces? Did the submission comment on the retention crisis? The answer is "no", so where in that submission has the Minister of State or Fine Gael stood up for the Defence Forces? What does the Minister of State think members of the Reserve Defence Force are going to feel about Government support for their organisation? They are currently at below 2,000 effective members when the figure should be more than 4,000. I have made numerous suggestions in questions in this Chamber and on Committee Stage on how we might address the issues affecting the Reserve Defence Force. I did this because the Minister of State asked me to do so. I have made very reasonable suggestions for things might work but the Government has yet to implement any one of them. The Minister of State will excuse me if I do not feel his commitment to the Reserve Defence Force is obvious, because it is not.

The Minister of State said the reorganisation of the Defence Forces was designed to maximise operational capacity and provide for an organisation that is flexible and can accommodate new or unprecedented demands. Does he really believe the 2012 reorganisation has achieved this? In my view it has failed miserably. The removal of headquarter structures has removed critical layers of management and officer levels are at 50% in some units. Command and control are key to maintaining an operational Defence Forces. To have command and control, one needs to be close to one's troops but that is not the current situation in the Defence Forces. This is a clear example of where the Department of Defence and the Defence Forces organisation have diverged, with the Department clearly winning out in this case.

I thank every Deputy who contributed sincerely to this debate. I acknowledge the constructive nature of Labour Party and Sinn Féin amendments. Neither proposed to delete anything from the Fianna Fáil motion and only sought to add to it. In that spirit I wish to be as accommodating as possible. This motion is not about me or any party but about the Defence Forces and those who serve in them. It is a shame that Deputies Mick Barry and Bríd Smith who exited the Chamber fairly swiftly did not appreciate that and are more concerned as usual with having a go at Fianna Fáil than with making a genuine contribution to the issue at hand. There is a lot of merit in the Sinn Féin amendment and I am happy to accept parts (a) and (b), as previously discussed, but unfortunately I, on behalf of the Fianna Fáil Party, will not be able to accept part 1(c). If Sinn Féin had inserted a part (d) to the amendment about the domestic terms of employment of the Defence Forces, we would have been happy to accept it.

There is clearly a crisis in the Defence Forces. This has come to the fore in recent years. I appreciate that it was not all the Minister of State's doing. He was handed a very depleted organisation by his predecessor, the Minister, Deputy Simon Coveney, who has happened to walk away scot free on this. The Minister of State will have been made aware by me and other Deputies in the past year of the serious deficiencies in the Defence Forces and the fact we are lacking key skilled personnel. We are haemorrhaging people at an alarming rate, but to date the Minister of State has not put forward any retention policy to show how he is going to address that issue. We will not sit here and hear him talk about the ongoing efforts of the recruitment campaign. While it is commendable and necessary, it does not address the lack of a retention policy in order that we can keep the personnel we need. In the light of Brexit, an ever-changing international defence environment and emerging threats that the Minister or I may not be able to see at the moment but could be there tomorrow, we need to ensure the Defence Forces are adequately resourced, fit for purpose and able to adapt and respond to the challenges our country may face. In the light of this, the motion is broad and comprehensive and deals directly with those deficiencies. We call for the re-establishment of the 4th Western Brigade, increased enlistment up to 10,500 and monitoring of the implementation of the White Paper. All these are very sensible and reasonable suggestions and I commend the motion to the House. Fianna Fáil is willing to accept parts 1(a) and 1(b) of the Sinn Féin amendment but not part 1(c).

Pat Gallagher (Donegal, Fianna Fail)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

Is the Deputy proposing that the amendment be amended by the deletion of part 1(c)?

Lisa Chambers (Mayo, Fianna Fail)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

Yes.

Pat Gallagher (Donegal, Fianna Fail)
Link to this: Individually | In context | Oireachtas source

In accordance with Standing Order 70(2), the division is postponed until the weekly division time on Thursday, 6 April 2017.