Eamon Ryan (Dublin Bay South, Green Party) | Oireachtas source

I am very privileged to make the closing contribution to what has been a very important debate. The issue of our co-operation and future on this island together is central to many Deputies in this House. The contributions throughout the afternoon were heartfelt, not from any script but from people's lived experiences. They reflect the importance of restoring the institutions in Northern Ireland and building on the peace that has existed for the past 25 years. I am honoured on behalf of the Government to make these closing remarks.

I was fortunate to be in Belfast last weekend. I attended some of the events organised by Queen's University Belfast to mark the 25th anniversary of the signing of the Good Friday Agreement. I was particularly glad to meet General John de Chastelain, who was remarkably impressive and who, along with Harri Holkeri, the former Finnish prime minister, and George Mitchell, had a central role. If anyone wants some understanding of the signing of the Good Friday Agreement, I recommend setting aside the 45 minutes George Mitchell took to review what happened in his speech at Queen's University on Monday last week. It was a remarkably succinct, clear, impartial and, in the end, hopeful speech. He started by setting out the history that led to the Good Friday Agreement. He spared nothing in making sure, as best he could, to mention each person who played a key role. He recognised the work of Bertie Ahern, who was in attendance, the Irish civil servants who were part of the negotiating team, going right back to John Bruton's time and before, in terms of the patient, diplomatic way in which the Irish Civil Service and politicians approached this issue. He gave similar due respect, attention and thanks to Tony Blair and the British Civil Service. In the working out of this agreement, the two formed an incredibly strong bond, which it is important we hold on to. It was a most important speech in going through all of the different parties involved, recognising the immense role of John Hume, in a sense reframing the approach of Irish nationalism, in my mind, in the way he did. What was most inspiring and impressive was that he handed ownership back of the Good Friday Agreement to the parties in Northern Ireland, who were the signatories and, ultimately, to the people of Northern Ireland, who voted for it and stood by it - all parties, Sinn Féin, loyalists, unionists, the Northern Ireland Women's Coalition and every different grouping. It was an appropriate marking of the 25th anniversary.

We also had a role in the South. I heard Deputy Nolan, among others, say she comes from a republican tradition - I sense the same, as do many others. My grandfather, who I was very close to, fought in the War of Independence. It was in my DNA, and the desire still is, for a united Ireland. I remember that day when the constitutional amendment and the question was put to us regarding ceding Articles 2 and 3 of the Constitution. I felt proud and part of the process because we too were, and are now, centrally involved. It was effectively a reframing of the position which gave us a real role. If that vote was to be put to the people today, I am certain in the South that a similar overwhelming majority would support the Good Friday Agreement and love to see it fully implemented in all its guises.

The truth, which I see in my everyday work in the Dáil and in Departments, is that our island is still very divided. Our power systems are divided, to start with, with a very basic connection. The energy system we have is not properly connected. As the Deputy knows from living in a Border county, we do not have good cross-Border transport systems. The environment recognises no border but it is to a certain extent ignored in the Good Friday Agreement and even in the Brexit agreement regarding the exit of the UK from the European Union. The healing of those divisions is now our key responsibility. The mechanism the Tánaiste, who was here a short while ago, devised with ourselves in the Green Party and Fine Gael in government of a shared-island approach is the appropriate way to fulfil our constitutional commitment, which we voted on in the period of the Good Friday Agreement 25 years ago, to deliver practical connections to heal the divisions, not on the basis of identity or in a political, party political, nationalist or unionist way, but in practical measures that bring our island together. Recognising we have east-west connections as well as North-South, we must repair the damage done by Brexit to our relations with the United Kingdom and have similar co-operation and agreement on issues such as the environment and energy - my area. I see that as being as important and it may help us overcome some of the divisions on a North-South basis.

Like so many others in the House, I also am impatient and interested in seeing the institutions return. We are an all-island party. We are connected to what happens up North. We are out canvassing door to door to get members of the Green Party in Northern Ireland elected in the upcoming local elections. I see no reason following why we should not see restoration of the institutions, recognising, as our party does, that the institutions also need to be reformed. We cannot just keep everything in stasis because the institutional arrangements are not functioning. The fact that for nine of the 25 years, the assembly was not sitting and the institutions were not in place is the first obvious critique we would have to make of what was agreed 25 years ago. It is not that we just keep it in aspic; we must keep reviewing. There is an urgent need for reform, but that first requires the assembly to return to give political ownership back to the people who have responsibilities in doing that, which are the parties and people in Northern Ireland.

I will conclude by going back to George Mitchell's message. He said, "Within the word impossible is embedded the word 'possible'". It is an obvious pun, but there was a kernel of real political truth in what he said. That is a good way to conclude this debate. He spoke with real optimism. In a world in which we are riven by such conflict, in which social media and other news systems are all about division and despair and a slightly depressed view of circumstances, he could not have been more confident, upbeat and positive. In particular, his positivity was centred around real admiration for the people in Northern Ireland. He went out of his way to listen with respect. In that listening and providing dignity, he won everyone's trust to be able to come to an agreement that no one thought possible. We need a similar culture, characteristic or approach today. We need to optimistically, confidently and with dignity and respect approach the living out potential, so to speak, delivered by the Good Friday Agreement. We do that not in confrontation, pointing the finger or in blame, but in recognising the strengths on this island, North and South, valuing them and trusting the people in the North, especially the parties, to return to that special moment when people came together, signed and voted for a future that brought peace, thank God, but also brought an end to centuries of division. That is why it was so important. We need now to build on that and build in the next 25 years a shared island that we can all be proud of.

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