Gary Gannon (Dublin Central, Social Democrats) | Oireachtas source

Some of the points I intended raising have already been made so I will stick to those that have not been raised. On the issue of accession to the EU, we welcome the decision to grant candidacy status to both Ukraine and the Republic of Moldova, as discussed at the most recent European Council meeting. However, it would be remiss of me not to speak about Georgia in great detail, as many other Deputies have done. One point that has not been made is that Georgia has paid a massive price already for its aspiration to become part of the EU.

The country was partially invaded by Russia in 2008 and is still occupied by Russia. The West turned its back. There were protests on the streets of Georgia in June by citizens who simply want to be part of the EU. I appreciate that there are steps to be taken to become a member of the European family but I do not think we can simply ask countries to implement 12 recommendations, particularly when some of them are extraordinarily difficult to measure. We cannot ask them to wait outside until such time as we deem them suitable to join.

Ireland has a role to play in this regard. Georgia is a small country of just over 4 million people. It is similar in size to Ireland. A couple of thousand Georgians live in Ireland, some of whom are constituents of mine. I have Georgian friends. We have a part to play in helping Georgia into the European family. It also shares a land border with Russia and is partially occupied by Russia. Thousands of Georgians have been murdered and tortured by Russia. We cannot simply say we will bring Moldova into the European Union and accept Ukraine as a member, and rightly so, but we are not yet ready to admit Georgia. Leaving Georgia isolated presents dangers and has implications. It could potentially diminish that aspiration to join the European family. We need to be more engaged with Georgia.

I will move on to consider inflation, energy and security costs. We all know the war has far-reaching consequences. Ireland now finds itself facing the highest levels of inflation in almost 40 years. It was forecast that inflation would peak at 8.5% this year but EUROSTAT estimates a figure nearer the 10% mark. It is clear that inflation will continue to rise in the short to medium term and the cost-of-living crisis will worsen. Sanctions have rightfully been placed on Russia. The European Union needs to intervene to ensure those sanctions are not felt in the stomachs of people all over Europe and Ireland, and that people do not experience cold.

The point I want to make is on migration policy. The unified approach taken across the European Union and the willingness to provide safety and support to all those fleeing Ukraine have been nothing short of extraordinary. This is the largest movement of people since the Second World War, with some 14 million people being forced to leave to date. The EU acted quickly to implement the temporary protection directive, which has granted temporary protection status to almost 3.4 million people so far. This provides access to the EU labour market, accommodation, social welfare assistance and medical care, as well as education. It is right to do that. However, this could not be any more different from the approach that has been taken in respect of other countries, such as Afghanistan, Syria, Iraq, Yemen and Myanmar, whose people were forced to flee atrocities that no human should ever have to witness.

In 2015, approximately 1.5 million Syrian refugees fled to Europe as a result of an horrific civil war. By 2021, more than 2 million Afghani refugees had fled to neighbouring countries. Once the West pulled out of Afghanistan, at least 500,000 more people fled the country in just a few months. Climate change is also beginning to bite in terms of migration patterns. Climate change is contributing to desertification, extreme weather events and rising sea levels. Deputies will agree that a perfect storm is now upon us. I could give many more examples but I am conscious of time.

In June, the Committee of Permanent Representatives adopted a number of first stage texts under the pact on migration and asylum. These will seek to commit EU countries to a "voluntary, simple and predictable solidarity mechanism". Oxfam is just one organisation that has been clear in its opposition to this. It has stated:

It allows EU countries to continue to shirk their responsibility towards refugees and leave countries at the EU’s borders to manage Europe’s refugee response [or the lack thereof]. As past years have shown, the result will be overwhelmed reception and asylum systems, overcrowded camps filled with people left in limbo and more pushbacks at Europe’s borders. Apart from being temporary and voluntary, the proposal allows EU countries to cherry-pick their asylum seekers. It also allows them to turn away asylum-seekers and, instead, pay for a Fortress Europe by footing the bill for border surveillance and detention centers.

What is the Irish position in respect of this policy? Are we one of the 21 member states that have adopted the declaration of solidarity? Are we in favour of warmly welcoming refugees, as we should, while agreeing to turn back others? I am sure there is no rational justification for the difference in treatment of African and Arab refugees and asylum seekers compared with those fleeing from wars close to our borders. How does the EU continue to justify this approach? I hope we can challenge that and assume a leadership role in that regard.

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