Mary Lou McDonald (Dublin Central, Sinn Fein) | Oireachtas source

Since the Brexit referendum, Sinn Féin has argued consistently and vigorously for the North to be given a special status designation within the European Union. This is the only way to avoid the imposition of a hard border on this island and to ensure that our all-island economy and our peace agreements are protected. Special status means the North staying in the customs union and the Single Market irrespective of what the British Government might decide to do for itself.

It is clear from Monday's meeting between David Davis and Michel Barnier that the British Government has accepted a significant portion of the EU draft agreement, which is to be welcomed. However, what remains unclear is the British Government's position on the so-called backstop on the Border. The British agreed to this in December. Subsequently the British Prime Minister, Theresa May, rejected that section of the draft treaty and we are now told that the draft treaty section is agreed but only in principle. What we need on this matter at this stage is clarity and certainty. Legal guarantees that what was agreed in December is the backstop will be put in place if there is failure to make a better deal.

Sinn Féin's position is clear. As a minimum the backstop must secure the North's position within the customs union and the Single Market. The backstop is a bottom line and a deal on a transition period cannot be progressed without it. It is now up to the British Prime Minister, Theresa May, and her government to bring forward credible and workable proposals as to how the imposition of a hard border in Ireland can be avoided. This will require a serious step-change from the Tories and the Brexiteers.

Let us not forget that these folks conducted their entire Brexit considerations and debate without once seriously considering the impact of Brexit on Ireland. They carried this dismissive attitude into the negotiations with the European Union. This arrogant attitude led to the fantasy of frictionless or seamless borders - makey-uppy Alice in Wonderland technological solutions. It also produced the ludicrous thinking that a border in Ireland would be like a border between two boroughs in England. Such nonsense will not cut it. That is an important cross-party message. It may be an important Opposition message because perhaps in diplomatic terms the Government cannot say that out loud, but I can and I will.

If the British Government is serious about avoiding a hard border and is serious about minimising disruption to east-west trade, it must bring forward serious and appropriate propositions to match the scale of the challenge. The British Prime Minister, Theresa May, and her government must resolve the four main contradictions in their approach to Brexit regarding Ireland. Let me set these out for clarity. How will Britain avoid the imposition of a hard border while dragging the North out of the customs union and the Single Market, as is its stated intention? How will the Good Friday Agreement be protected in all of its parts, especially given that there are 142 areas of all-Ireland co-operation that will be adversely affected by a Tory Brexit? How do the British plan to accommodate the democratic decision of the people of the North to remain part of the European Union? How will the British ensure that there will be no erosion of rights for citizens living in the North when Britain withdraws from the jurisdiction of the European Court of Justice?

On this issue the report from the North-South Joint Committee on Human Rights is an important contribution to the Brexit debate. Essentially the report recognises the need for special arrangements for the North post-Brexit. It addresses the threat posed to the Good Friday Agreement following Britain's withdrawal from the EU and from the jurisdiction of the European Court of Justice. This danger has been amplified by the dismissive political approach taken by the British Government to Irish concerns.

The prospect of the agreement being breached is very real and Sinn Féin has consistently highlighted the need for the rights of citizens in the North to be fully protected in any final withdrawal agreement. The Good Friday Agreement will not be put through the shredder because little Englanders are demanding their Brexit at any cost. North-South equivalence of rights, equality of citizenship and the protection of EU human rights legislation, guaranteed by the Good Friday Agreement, cannot be dismantled to suit the Tory agenda. Those who wish to access their rights as EU citizens in the North must be able to do so.

Everything must be done to protect the all-Ireland economy. Members of the Government, especially the Taoiseach and Tánaiste, have a responsibility to ensure that the Tory Brexiteers and the DUP do not try to undermine what has been agreed. I have previously asked the Taoiseach to convene the British-Irish Intergovernmental Conference. I believe that should happen as soon as possible. This is especially important to ensure that the rights of people in the North are defended in a way that realises the Taoiseach's pledge that citizens in the North will never again be left behind by an Irish Government.

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