Patrick Nulty (Dublin West, Independent) | Oireachtas source

I am grateful for the opportunity to speak on Northern Ireland. Before I address the past and the particulars of the ongoing Haass talks in regard to flags and parades, I would like to put a number of points on the record as this is the first time I have had the opportunity to discuss the North.

The world lost Nelson Mandela this year. From his experiences in South Africa and the experience of the civil rights movement in Northern Ireland, it is important that we record the root causes of the problems right across the world. The civil rights movement in the North campaigned for political freedoms, freedom of expression and assembly, access to decent housing, proper and fair democratic participation and elections. It is right that we acknowledge the outstanding contribution of those concerned.

From experience not only on this island but also internationally, we must remember a number of important principles. One such principle is that no political problem, however protracted, can be resolved through violence. Another is that violence and the taking of innocent life are never acceptable in the pursuit of a political objective. Equally, political violence can never be addressed or resolved without dialogue and discussion and by addressing the root causes of conflict.

In Northern Ireland, the crucial issue continues to be the ongoing challenge associated with segregation. There has been very disappointing progress in moving towards an integrated system of education in the North. The North needs to move towards this so as to have children educated together rather than on the basis on sectarian division.

We must challenge the decision of the British Government to reduce significantly the block grant to the North. The reductions have resulted in severe cutbacks to public services. I am disappointed in the parties that formed the Northern Executive in that they have not organised and mobilised citizens in the North more strongly to challenge the coalition in Westminster and the cuts to the block grant. A problem we in the Twenty-six Counties share with our friends and fellow citizens north of the Border is that we are all victims of neoliberal policies implemented by a conservative coalition.

I am disappointed by the established parties in the North - Sinn Féin, the SDLP and the Unionist parties - because of their continuing refusal to support the extension of the Abortion Act 1967 to the North. I am pro-choice for both the North and South. Political parties need to take a stronger position and they have questions to answer because of their refusal to support the extension of the Act to the North and because of the consequent fundamental undermining of women's reproductive rights. I support the extension of the legislation and legislation to address the issue more broadly in this State also.

With regard to dealing with the past, the problem with all mechanisms thus far has been attributable to staffing and resources. It has been established that the authorities cannot investigate a particular killing as part of a wider pattern. Collusion comes to mind in this regard. I still do not believe collusion between British security forces and loyalist terrorists in the Dublin-Monaghan bombings has been addressed adequately; nor has the murder of Pat Finucane. There has been an inability up to now to gain access to intelligence and military files so as to find out the full truth. This should be made possible. A single mechanism such as the one suggested by Mr. Haass - the historical investigations unit – would, if implemented properly, go beyond these constraints. Implementing it properly means a security-cleared group with access to the files that is independent and free from state and political interference. It should have powers to compel witnesses and recommend prosecutions, where appropriate. Victims want different results, and we must remember the victims of every single act of violence in the political conflict on this island. Victims want truth and, in many cases, prosecutions. More than anything, they want to know what happened to their loved ones. Any approach needs to recognise this and allow victims the choice between pursuing prosecution and opting out of this process.

A useful aspect of the Haass document was the recognition of the value of investigating thematic areas, such as collusion and the mistreatment of prisoners, as mentioned by other Deputies. I oppose absolutely internment without trial, irrespective of the circumstances. I condemn the decision to engage in internment, even very recently, in particular cases. Doing as I suggest would allow the narrative in Northern Ireland to move beyond individual cases and allow for a study of the policies and practices of various governments and political organisations that operated within the Six Counties over four decades and more. However, the model Mr. Haass suggested was that combatants would testify on actions in which they were involved in exchange for immunity. This testimony would be confidential. This, however, would mean no one could tie it in with state files or the larger patterns. This needs to be teased out.

With regard to parades, it is a generally accepted principle across this House that the rights to freedom of assembly and organisation should be respected. However, there ought to be a balancing of rights. Communities have a right to go about their daily business without fear and intimidation.

I vividly recall, as a young man, witnessing the dreadful scenes on the Garvaghy Road in the mid-1990s, when our fellow citizens were literally beaten off the road by the British security forces to allow the Orange Order to march down that road. Such situations should not be tolerated and should never be repeated. Organisations do not have a right to march through communities without the consent of those communities and any attempt to do otherwise can only be considered to be provocative and intent on heightening rather than ameliorating tensions.

On the issue of flags and banners, again I believe people have an absolute right to express their political views. However, Northern Ireland as a State witnessed institutional sectarianism, where Irish citizens were discriminated against in accessing housing, for example. Even today, there are still issues of concern, with question marks over some housing allocations in the context of population balance within certain constituencies. Groups do not have a right to seek to roll back progress and undermine a society based on equality and social justice. We must address the issues of unemployment, poverty and inequality in the North of Ireland. I firmly believe that the real division on this island is not between Protestant, Catholic and Dissenter, nor between Nationalist and Unionist but between the vast majority of citizens - workers, carers, the unemployed - the 99%, as it were, and the 1% - bankers, developers and political elites - who control wealth in this country. That is the real division within this State and in the North of Ireland, as well as across Europe. That is the issue that must be addressed.

I have visited the North of Ireland on many occasions and, in particular, Belfast and believe that if poverty and injustice were addressed through a significant redistribution of wealth, the frustration and anger felt by many communities, which is often exploited by sectarian groups, could be resolved once and for all. Social and economic policy must be at the heart of the solution in the North of Ireland. I agree with Deputy Halligan that we need to move beyond the sectarian divisions within the Northern Ireland Assembly of Nationalist or Unionist, where people adopt positions based on their political perspective on the economy and society rather than on the narrow issue of the national question.

I wish community groups, trade unionists, women's groups and those fighting for LGBT rights in the North of Ireland well. I aspire to the establishment of a 32 county Republic on this island which is democratic, secular and socialist and which enjoys the support of the people who live on the island but I respect alternative view points. That is the way forward. I thank the Leas Ceann Comhairle for giving me the opportunity to contribute to this debate.

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