Seán Crowe (Dublin South West, Sinn Fein) | Oireachtas source

Like many of my generation the conflict in the North shaped, tempered and radicalised my politics. It was personal and immediate, not abstract, and it was not something that could be ignored or air-brushed from our consciousness. If conflict changed us, so did the peace process. The peace process did not start with the Good Friday Agreement and did not end when the DUP ended up in government. Peace, conflict resolution and reconciliation need to be nurtured, protected and worked at daily by those who are committed to their primacy. Sectarianism, bigotry, inequality, the denial of human rights and the failure to deal with the past still bedevil progress.

Is it naïve to think that many of the causes of conflict that were identified after endless, frustrating and maddening hours, days, months and even years, of talks and discussions should be gone and relegated to the past? Was it naïve to think that the methodology and structures that were collectively agreed by both Governments and all the parties to the talks in an international agreement should be legislated for and be now, years later, playing a positive part in building a new Ireland? Is it naive or gullible to think that the process of change wished for and dreamed of by so many could not have happened quicker, driven forward by both Governments and all parties to the agreement? The majority of people North and South signed up to the Good Friday Agreement. The Irish Constitution was amended and some legislation initiated. The Irish Government is a joint, co-equal guarantor to the agreements and has a formal role in all-Ireland and east-west institutions.

Since Christmas we have seen unionist parties try and walk away from Haass and their responsibility to address the past, parades and cultural symbols. In the past week we have seen police attacked at a reconciliation event in east Belfast, a Roman Catholic teacher intimidated from her job because of her religious and political beliefs and Orange Order spokespersons threaten Protestants who want to learn a cúpla focal. The response from mainstream political leadership of unionism has been to minimise many of these events, to try and explain away these actions as an aberration or the actions of a few. Is this acceptable? Is this good enough? Should we remain quiet, keep our heads down, not upset them even more, ignore sectarianism and intimidation? Is that an option? I do not think so.

Those opposed to change, inclusion and equality believe they can get away with this behaviour and remain unchallenged by political leadership, secure in the knowledge that there will be little political fallout or, sadly, any electoral retribution. Let us be honest, one will not hear many complaints in this Chamber at this behaviour unless it can be twisted somehow and blamed on Sinn Féin or, by extension, Irish republicans. The "no" men, the "no surrender" brigade, believe they can frustrate the democratic will of the vast majority of people and unpick the Good Friday Agreement line by line. Their only agenda is to maintain division and roll back the clock to a not-too-distant time when inequality was the norm and discrimination endemic.

Speaking of division Nelson Mandela said of his conflict resolution process:

It is not our diversity which divides us; it is not our ethnicity, or religion or culture that divides us...there can only be one division amongst us: between those who cherish democracy and those who do not.

It is clear that the actions of a section of unionism and so-called republican micro-groups do not respect democracy and, by extension, do not respect the rights, entitlements and views of the Irish people. These groups are about frustrating political progress, undermining the potential for lasting peace and creating even more dissension and division. The response of the British and Irish Governments to events have contributed to the political paralysis. We know there still remain outstanding issues to agreements that have yet to be addressed or implemented. This reduces the moral authority of the Governments and their ability to hold others to account.

The North is still without the promised Bill of rights that could conceivably have been the basis for resolving the issues of parades, the past, flags, and emblems, that would have, arguably, contributed to a process of reconciliation and the promised shared inclusive spaces. The British Government has failed in its commitment to implement an Irish language Act and a full public inquiry into the killing of Pat Finucane. The Good Friday Agreement enshrines the rights of all cultures and identities to equality and parity of esteem regardless of the issue of sovereignty. Yet the British Government pushed through legislation on the flying of the Union flag on a set number of days. This was long before the Belfast City Council decision and was seen as a sop to David Trimble and unionism. Was it not legitimate for some to ask why there was no similar or parallel provision being enacted with regard to Irish identify in the North?

The old pals approach meant the unionists did not have to engage and reach agreement on the issue. This move further entrenched the demands of the few over the rights of the many. In these important matters it appears that the Irish Government has allowed itself to become a junior, ineffective, silent partner. This passive and silent approach makes progress more difficult and encourages, some would say feeds, the belief of those opposed to change. Is it too much to ask that an Irish Government lead by example in the many areas for which it has direct responsibility and hold the British Government to account for its commitments? The big question overhanging this debate today is, will it?

The Irish Government could, for example, legislate and give the Human Rights Commission in this jurisdiction the same powers as that in the North, as per the Good Friday Agreement. It could develop the all-Ireland framework of rights and the all-Ireland consultative forum. It could ensure all legislation is proofed against the provisions of the Good Friday Agreement and ancillary agreements. This would effectively mean no more discriminating legislation, for example of qualifying Good Friday Agreement prisoners such as the recent Taxi Licence Bill. The development of all-Ireland and cross-Border services and projects has stalled. This has undermined economic development and maintained costly separate public services.

Lately there has been a focus brought to bear on the past and victims’ rights to information and truth. This should not be a selective or party political motivated process. Recently Justice for the Forgotten, a group that deals with many of the people bereaved and injured in this State, told how some victims were having their quest for truth processed by the office of the Police Ombudsman for Northern Ireland. This entails a review of the RUC's investigation or, in most cases, its failure to investigate. These families cannot do the same with regard to Garda investigations as the Ombudsman’s office in this State does not have the powers with regard to historic actions or inactions of the Garda. The funding to Justice for the Forgotten was cut by the previous Government. The group now relies on short-term funding from the Pat Finucane Centre in Derry. This is unacceptable and needs to be addressed. The Government should act with others to redress this anomaly.

The peace process needs to be imaginative and inclusive. It requires us all to challenge prejudice, be open to new ideas and welcome change. It requires leadership. We may not agree about what caused the conflict but surely we can collectively work together to put in place structures that will ensure conflict is never allowed visit these lands again. We need to be more pro-active, engage with people and listen to people. That is the key. We need to go out to those areas where people feel left behind by the process. There are clearly many of them here in this State and in the North. That is where all the parties in this House have a significant role to play. I have travelled the North. The conflict there changed my life, but the peace process has also changed me. We need to work on that process, nurture it and work on it day by day. Sometimes we need to be quiet and listen to others.

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