Séamus Kirk (Louth, Fianna Fail) | Oireachtas source

I thank Deputy Willie O'Dea for giving me an opportunity to make a short contribution to this most important debate. We all rise to contribute to the debate on this Bill with mixed emotions. According to a report published on thejournal.ie recently, "almost 90 per cent of respondents to a nationwide survey of psychiatrists have expressed concern with the Government's plan to include the risk of suicide as grounds for an abortion under forthcoming legislation". The Government's proposals are flawed and need to be reconsidered. This is quite worrying for the Government and for society as a whole. Under the suicide clause contained in the Bill, two psychiatrists and one physician will be brought in to adjudicate on the issue. If 90% of experts disagree, this needs to be changed or withdrawn.

As a pro-life Deputy, I will vote against this legislation. I have been consistent on this matter during all my time in this House. I believe in the protection of the mother as well as the protection of the unborn child. The issue itself is quite divisive. People seem to be forgetting about the bigger picture. The Constitution recognises and declares that people living in Ireland have certain fundamental "personal rights", one of which is "the right to life". Article 40.3.3° of the Constitution provides that "the State acknowledges the right to life of the unborn and, with due regard to the equal right to life of the mother, guarantees in its laws to respect, and, as far as practicable, by its laws to defend and vindicate that right". The House needs to take note of the recent comments of Mr. Eamonn Barnes, who is a former Director of Public Prosecutions. He was quoted as saying that the Bill tabled by the Government is unconstitutional because "the foetus gets no chance to have its right to survival advocated" or vindicated. Under this legislation, who will vindicate the life of the unborn, the right of the father and the right of the mother?

Lord Steel, who brought forward Britain's abortion legislation in 1967, was recently quoted as saying this country's Government will make a "mistake" if it goes ahead with plans to legislate for termination on the grounds of a threat of suicide. This shows that there are serious flaws in the legislation and that change is needed immediately. If this suicide provision is voted through, the next step will be abortion on demand. The right of the unborn, as well as the right of the mother, needs to be protected. Who will be the voice of the unborn? Who will stand back and examine what is actually being proposed in this legislation? In light of the comments of the person who brought in abortion in the UK, it is pretty obvious that this approach is flawed and unjust. I again pose the question: who will vindicate the right of the unborn?

Last month the Spanish Government proposed to row back on that country's liberal abortion laws, which shows that this issue is not confined to Ireland. It is also being considered in other European countries. I will fight tooth and nail to resist abortion in Ireland. My stance has been pro-life and pro-life it will remain. In 1990, King Baudouin of Belgium notified the Prime Minister of that country that he could not and would not sign abortion legislation. His conscience meant that he had to resign rather than support the legislation. Rather than being confined to Ireland, this issue is recognised as an international problem. Where is the leadership from the Government? Does conscience not matter to the Government today?

No specialised psychiatric evidence was delivered to the Supreme Court hearing on the heartbreaking and emotive X case in 1992. Given that the legislation is proposing to give psychiatrists a central role, I wonder whether there is a political dichotomy in this regard. In that context, why is the Taoiseach not extending a free vote to the members of his parliamentary party? Our party leadership is to be applauded for listening to members of our parliamentary party and offering us a free vote. Our party is democratic. Every member has a fair and equal say. When a free vote on conscience grounds was suggested, I supported it wholeheartedly. I know there are genuine people in Fine Gael who are appalled at this legislation.

It is worth returning to and discussing the rights of the father. Who will vindicate the rights of the father, the rights of the mother and the rights of the unborn? We are discussing the rights of the mother and of the unborn, but what are the rights of the father? Should the father have a say in these cases? Should he be involved in the decision-making process? What are his rights? Should he not have a say, if he wants to be a good and competent father who supports his partner and his unborn child? This legislation does not mention this. We are in the world of gender equality, but it has to work both ways.

Who will vindicate the father's rights, the mother's rights and the rights of the unborn? In a global study of abortion, Dr. Gilda Sedgh of the Guttmacher Institute in the United States found some very disturbing figures about abortions. In Europe, marginally under 30% of pregnancies end in abortion. Do we just want our people to be statistics? We need to fight to protect the rights of mothers and fathers and the rights of the unborn. Another expert, Mr. John Smeaton, said:

The truth is that countries with strict laws against abortion have lower maternal death rates than countries which allow abortion widely. Ireland, where abortion is banned, has one of the world's best maternal health records.

We, as policymakers in this House, need to represent the people and we need to protect the mothers of the State. If abortion is legalised, we are going down a slippery slope. Protection of the Irish people is needed, not an attack on their civil liberties.

I will be voting with my conscience against the Bill. I also think the debate on Committee Stage should be held in plenary session here in this Chamber in order that experts can be brought in to discuss the legislation in detail. I am voting to protect the unborn and to protect the mother and the father. If the Government wants to show real leadership and real credibility, I implore it to put the ultimate decision to the people. On an issue of such divisiveness, we need real leadership and we need the Taoiseach to show it. He was elected to govern, to lead and to inspire. He should listen to his conscience, give a free vote to the members of the parliamentary party and, if the legislation is passed, put it to the people by way of plebiscite or referendum.

Section 9 on the issue of suicidal ideation is where the principle sticking point is with this legislation. I appeal to the Government, at the eleventh hour, to reconsider and to withdraw section 9 of the Bill.

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